Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Refine search results

Journals help
Years help
Authors help

Results found: 59

first rewind previous Page / 3 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  toponyms
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 3 next fast forward last
Umění (Art)
|
2012
|
vol. 60
|
issue 1
62-67
XX
A previously unpublished late mediaeval wood carving of St Anne with the Virgin and Child (Anna Selbdritt), of unknown provenience, was acquired by the National Gallery in Prague from a private collection. At the National Gallery it was initially deemed the work of Petr Breuer of Cvikov (circa 1472-1541). However, a stylistic analysis and comparison with related works revealed that the sculpture was created around the year 1515 in the workshop of Jörg Lederer of Kaufbeuren (active 1499-1550). This Anna Selbdritt at the National Gallery is a contemporary variation on the devotional sculpture of Anna Selbdritt from Reutte in Tyrol (circa 1515), which, however, was irreparably re-carved in the late baroque. The National Gallery's version thus serves as unique evidence of the original appearance of this important and still venerated sculpture. Another very valuable feature of the Anna Selbdritt in the National Gallery is the layer of surviving early Renaissance polychrome that was uncovered during restoration work carried out in 2009-2010. The unusual way in which the artist styled the veil wrapped around St Anne's head points to inspiration from Albrecht Dürer's print titled Virgin and Child with St Anne from 1501, and the somewhat unique way in which the clothed child is depicted is also based on Dürer's prints, which served as a major source of inspiration for altar compositions (e.g. in Latsch im Vintschgau) by Lederer's workshop.
2
87%
EN
This paper addresses an interesting issue in name theory, specifically the relationship between toponyms and spatial representations, as well as the cultural differences manifesting themselves in connection with these. Studies have shown that the name model (a general knowledge of names) created based on the mental representation of names is partly language and culture dependent. Thus, the knowledge of the speaker on how reliably the toponyms correlate with the actual features of the landscape or whether they should only be considered as labels identifying an area is culturally determined. This, in turn, influences the extent to which name-users may rely on them in structuring space and in creating a cognitive map.
EN
ON MOTIVATION BY GIVEN NAMES IN FOLK ETYMOLOGIES OF POLISH TOPONYMS This article presents, on the basis of selected examples, various types of folk etymologies of Polish toponyms, for which folk reinterpeters indicate given names as nominational bases, both those functioning in contemporary or ancient usage (for example, Adam, Ewa, Celina; Chrzan) as well as those created especially for the needs of the given pseudoetymology (for example, Rzyn, Cina). Types of folk etymologies are distinguished in view of the degree of variance of their results with the results of scholarly etymologies deriving toponyms from bases belonging to another morphological nest than their actual basic expression (for instance, Kościerzyna, Grajewo, Warszawa), through motivations of toponyms by other forms of those same given names (for example, Szczepankowo, Lechlin), deriving toponyms through pseudoetymology from those same names as the scholarly etymologies, but having a different semantic interpretation (for example, Bronowo, Adamowo).
Onomastica
|
2014
|
vol. 58
211-234
EN
THE TRANSLATION OF GEOGRAPHIC NAMES IN YURI LISIANSKY’S “A VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD” (1803–1806) This article deals with the translation of geographical names into Polish in “A Voyage Round the World” (1803–1806) by Yuri Lisiansky. It also discusses the role of Lisiansky’s journal as an onomastic source for Alaska. Today’s geographic nomenclature of the world differs significantly from the nomenclature used in the journal. The majority of names are spelled differently today, for example, Whampoa (currently Huangpu), or have fallen out of use, for example, Nossa Senhora Desterro (currently Florianópolis). Only 20% of the toponyms (endonyms and exonyms) referring to three hundred geographic objects function today in unchanged form. Efforts were made so that the adaptation of the nomenclature would make it easier for the reader to locate the places named. Toward this goal, a compromise was sought between translation oriented toward the recipient and toward the source: 1) name spellings were modernized, 2) historical names were preserved, and the current counterparts are given in arentheses, 3) foreign names were translated that the author had translated into Russian, and the current counterparts are given in parentheses, 4) semantically transparent names given by Russians in Alaska are translated, and their current English names are given in parentheses.
EN
The study deals with toponymic space as part of the social space in which individuals and different societies exist. Based on the analogy between the appellative vocabulary, which uses the term communication register, a set of toponyms used in social groups is called social toponyms. These form a toponymic register of the concrete social group. Talking about an individual, we talk about the toponymic register of the individual, which is formed by sub-registers of societies, of which that individual is a part. Social groups that use their own social toponyms can be divided according to age (infant, youth), profession (forest workers, peasants), interest (hunters, fishermen, sportsmen).
6
Content available remote

The Place of Slang Toponyms in the Toponymic System

80%
EN
Comparing slang toponyms with other toponyms we may note that they have a special role in the toponymic system of a language: their status is observable both in pragmatic and linguistic conditions of name giving. The article proves these statements by analysing the (colloquial and) slang name variants of the Hungarian settlement called Hajdúszoboszló. One of the most important features is that during slang name giving the denotatum already has a name and the motivation is to give a different name from the already existing one. The large scale of complexity in generating and functioning of these toponyms are also characteristics: they are supported by their relationship to the stock of toponyms in the mother tongue and in the foreign language, as well as to the stock of common words in the mother tongue and in the foreign language.
EN
Every translator is often confronted with the problem of translatability of proper names, which include geographical names called toponyms (i.e. choronyms, proper toponyms, urbanonyms, hydronyms and oronyms). German and Polish toponyms differ from each other in gender and number as well as in spelling and the order of components. Many differences in the creation of toponyms result from the different ways of thinking in the two nations. Before translating these lexical units, we should first consider whether they can be translated at all, and if so, how to do it, and what criteria should be applied. The (un)translatability of toponyms is strongly conditioned by culture, history, politics, and of course topography itself, which is shown in this article by means of an example of selected groups of Polish and German geographic names. In official documents, where the criterion of comprehensibility is decisive, foreign language equivalents of toponyms are generally used, provided such equivalents exist. Some toponyms have to be modified in translation to make them more precise or to clarify their meaning. Toponyms that are typical of a country or culture and have no foreign language equivalents are usually not translated, but preserve their original form in the translated texts. In order to convey their meaning, foreign language generic names are usually added before them.
EN
This article examines the station names of 142 Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) stations across Singapore’s five fully operational MRT lines using primary sources (digitised newspapers, maps, and press releases) and secondary sources (scholarly research on Singapore place names and information from government agencies). There are two research objectives: firstly, to determine the common naming strategies of Singapore’s MRT station names, and secondly, to analyse features of Singapore’s socio-political and linguistic identity by studying these names. Common naming patterns of Singapore’s station names include associative names, where the station is named after nearby physical or man-made features; descriptive names, where the name describes a particular aspect of the area; and eponymous names, where the station is named after a famous person or entity. We argue that station names reflect the state’s language and socio-political policies and shed deeper light on some of the complex and contradictory forces at play in the nation’s linguistic and socio-political identity. Singapore’s language shift towards English is evident as English is frequently used to name stations, particularly among newer MRT lines, where the public can suggest and vote on station names. At the same time, there are toponyms in local languages like Malay that serve as indexes of localness of the area around the station, showing the cultural dimension that station names have as metaphors for the area’s history and heritage. Yet, Singapore’s pragmatic socio-political identity ultimately means that the practical, referential function of names takes precedence over the cultural functions of naming.
EN
In the article, we focus our attention on the issue of the settlement of the East Gemer Region under Wallachian Law in the 15th to 17th century through the scope of local toponymy. Our goal is to elucidate the ethnic, lingual and economic specificities of this type of settlement in the given area through the use of lingual and extra-lingual characterizations of the local toponyms. The area is made up of six villages in the north part of the Slanská dolina Valley (Rejdová, Vyšná Slaná, Hanková, Vlachovo, Gočovo, Nižná Slaná) and the village of Pača, located northeast of Rožňava. We analyze both current and historical toponymy. Before our analysis, we present a brief overview of the previous research of the issues of the colonization of the Gemer Region under Wallachian Law and a short description of the evolution of this process, as well as its typical characteristics. The conclusions of our research may also be useful as a comparative material used in the research of other Carpathian areas which were marked by colonization under Wallachian Law.
EN
Besides the trustworthy Yeniseic toponyms in Western Siberia ending in *-ses ‘river’ (Ket/Yugh -ses, Arin -set, Assan/Kott -šet, Pump. -tet) there is a group of hydronyms in the same zones of frequent Yeniseic river names ending in -tes/-tas, -lat, -igaj, -sym/-tym, -tom and -get/-gat (-ket/-kat). One considers them to be Yeniseic too, but only conditionally. The author suggests an etymological explanation of the river names ending in -get/-gat (-ket/-kat), while he derives this component from *-kʌʔt ‘children of the same mother’ with the semantic development: > ‘members of a family’ > ‘members of a family clan’ > ‘tribe’ > ‘people’. The corresponding river names are clipped forms without the appellative ‘river’.
EN
The paper discusses some data about the name of one of the biggest cities in Poland, the capital of the region of Lower Silesia, Wrocław. The toponym has a long history which includes different periods of foreign domination: Czech, Austro-Hungarian, and mostly German. The origin of the name is perfectly Slavonic: it derives from the archaic personal masculine name Wrocisław. The name is characteristic for its double construction: the verb wrócić ‘return’ and noun sława ‘fame’ or verb sławić ‘praise’, that indicating somebody honoured for returning. The original form has been the subject of many international variations, e.g. the Germanic Presla, Presslau, and Breslau. The Latin adaptation of the toponym Vratislavia in combination with the Germanic Breslau is the most popular as the basis for the internationalization of the name, such as Breslavia in Italian and Spanish. Nowadays, the city has reason to promote its original Polish name. The social challenge of the city is to teach how its name is pronounced, using for example the linguistic hybrid Wroc-Love [vrotzlav]. The creation of some fantastic legends around the city and its name is also significant, increasing popular etymologies of this toponym. The onomastic discourse concerning Wrocław is a natural process of contemporary social communication on local, national and international levels including some antonomastic uses of this toponym: the city is called Venice of the North, and the Polish Prague. Even the Hitlerian catchword of Festung Breslau counts in this discourse of changing is historical meaning.
12
Content available remote

Peryfrazy ojkonimów polskich

61%
EN
In Polish onomastic terminology, ojkonym means name of the town, village or other human settlments. Periphrastic expressions arise not only for common words, but also for proper names, including geographical ones. In Polish language exist periphrases of names of continents, regions, states, names of water (hydronyms). The articles discusses the semantics and structure of about 70 periphrases relating to names of towns and villages in Poland. The most numerous collection was formed by the two-component names, whose center (the central element) was common name or a proper one. Ornamental function was the primary function of analyzed periphrases. Equally important was the marketing function, which aim is to arouse potential tourists interest.
EN
Polish scholars have not yet examined Swiss toponyms. The paper analyzes contemporary names of streets and squares of two municipalities in the canton of Solothurn, which has many historical ties with Poland. The primary focus is on the linguistic and cultural specificities. The paper also illustrates the fact that the main types of analyzed names (derived from city names, derived from names of persons, derived from common words) are widespread in Europe. The paper refers to historical and onomastic research from Switzerland.
PL
Funkcja objaśniająca etymologii ludowych toponimów polega na odwołaniach do współczesnej – najczęściej potocznej i stereotypowej – wiedzy o świecie, m.in. o realiach topograficznych, społecznych, kulturowych itp. dotyczących danej miejscowości, regionu i całej Polski, o początkach osad ludzkich, o dawnych warunkach życia ludzi, o dawnych wierzeniach, wydarzeniach i o nazwach osobowych.
EN
The explanatory function of folk etymologies of toponyms relies on the reference to contemporary, usually colloquial and stereotypical knowledge of the world, e.g. about topographic, social, cultural realities concerning a particular place, region or the whole Poland, about the beginnings of settlements, about former living conditions, former beliefs, events and proper names.
Język Polski
|
2014
|
vol. 94
|
issue 3
219-227
PL
Artykuł dotyczy etymologii ludowych (inaczej: asocjacyjnych, naiwnych, nienaukowych, potocznych, synchronicznych, pseudoetymologii, reinterpretacji etymologicznych) polskich toponimów, w których wtórnym etymonem jest wyraz obcojęzyczny. Autorka prezentuje na wybranych przykładach kilka podtypów takich pseudoetymologii: etymologie powstałe na obszarach mieszanych etnicznie (np. Bytów, Chojnice), etymologie odwołujące się do prestiżu łaciny (np. Kościerzyna, Donaborów), etymologie odwołujące się do wiedzy miłośników regionu o lokalnej historii (np. Strabla), etymologie erudycyjne powstałe w wyniku poszukiwań słownikowych (np. Łomża), zniekształcenia etymologii naukowych (np. Warszawa), reinterpretacje obcojęzycznych wersji polskich toponimów (np. Warsaw).
EN
The article is concerned with folk etymologies (in other words: associative, unscientific, colloquial, synchronized, pseudoetymologies, etymological reinterpretations) of Polish toponyms, in which a foreign word is the secondary etymon. The author presents, on the basis of selected examples, a few subtypes of such pseudoetymologies as: etymologies created in areas varied ethnically (e.g. Bytów, Chojnice), etymologies referring to the prestige of Latin (e.g. Kościerzyna, Donabrów), etymologies referring to the knowledge of local history enthusiasts (e.g. Strabla), erudite etymologies created as a result of dictionary search (e.g. Łomża), the distortion of scientific etymologies (e.g. Warszawa), foreign reinterpretations of Polish toponyms (e.g. Warsaw).
PL
Lusatia is a phenomenon in the history of Europe. For many centuries its inhabitants bravely struggled against the German element, preserving their identity. Such conduct has earned them our admiration. Does this admiration find reflection in the Polish language, for instance in the proper names used today? This article makes an attempt at answering this question. Special attention has been paid to the onyms including the words Łużyce/Lusatia, łużycki/Lusatian, Łużyczanin/Łużyczanka/male or female inhabitant of Lusatia, excerpted from the Internet with the use of Google browser. Their analysis shows which factors also played an important role in the formation of such names, i.e., sympathy and interest in the inhabitants of Lusatia – the people who have been cultivating their culture, language and customs for many years and who, because of their conduct, are worthy of our reflection.
Facta Simonidis
|
2009
|
issue 2
195-204
PL
W artykule zatytułowanym Z metodologii badań onomastycznych – nazwy etapowe (na podstawie ojkonimów ziemi lwowskiej) omawiam nazwy etapowe, które są częścią nazewnictwa miejscowego ziemi lwowskiej. Ujawnia się tu 1042 punkty osadnicze oraz jeszcze większa liczba sygnujących je mian. Nazwy miejscowości historycznej ziemi lwowskiej w wyniku skomplikowanych stosunków językowo-etnicznych mogą się różnić co do językowej kwalifi kacji na poszczególnych etapach rozwoju. Nazwy o cechach zmiennych wykazują następujące przejścia: a) ukraińska > polsko-ukraińska; b) polska > ukraińska; c) ukraińska > polska; d) neutralna > polska; e) neutralna > ukraińska; f) ukraińska > neutralna; g) polska > neutralna; h) niemiecka > ukraińska; i) bałtycka > ukraińska; j) węgierska > ukraińska.
EN
In this paper the author discusses names created in diachronic phases, which make part of the system of local names in the region of Lviv. 1042 locations are mentioned, and a still larger number of names corresponding to these locations. Complex historical processes caused it that the names in the region have gone through a number of phases, which makes them diffi cult to analyze linguistically. The following transitions of names have been reported: (a) Ukrainian>Polish-Ukrainian; (b) Polish> Ukrainian; (c) Ukrainian>Polish; (d) neutral>Polish; (e) neutral> Ukrainian; (f)Ukrainian>neutral; (g) Polish>neutral; (h) German>Ukrainian; (i) Baltic>Ukrainian; (j) Hungarian>Ukrainian.
EN
By the 12th century, northern territories were fairly well known in practice, but there was an urgent need to explain the state of this region in written form. In most national narratives, there is an evident tendency to emphasise the similarity of local history with a more significant and more authoritative (Roman or sacred) history (Mortensen 2005). This paper deals with a very specific geographical image-“Europe, or Eneá”-that appears on two “textual maps” by an Icelandic historian of the 13th century, Snorri Sturluson, in his Edda, an Icelandic ars poetica (c. 1220), and in his large compendium of the kings' sagas entitled Heimskringla (c. 1230). The author demonstrates that the toponym Eneá, going back to the ancient hero Aeneas, was formed by Snorri himself as a result of his immersion in the local Icelandic culture and literature, where the Troy story had, by that time, occupied a significant place.
Acta onomastica
|
2012
|
vol. 53
|
issue 1
101-117
EN
During the historical study of glassmaking in Jeseníky mountains it is necessary not only to work with the written archival sources that rarely occur in middle ages and early modern times but also with regional local history literature and cartographic sources. There were excerpted some toponyms relating to the history of glassmaking in the district in question from these written and cartographic sources. They helped to locate some habitats of extinct glassworks. Collecting of material from these sources has confirmed the legitimacy of these exploring sources. Pottery founded on one of these deposits helped to determinate dating of activities in glassworks and moved the beginning of the glassmaking in this part of northern Moravia already to the middle of the 14th century.
EN
During the historical study of glassmaking in the Jeseníky mountains it is necessary to work with the written archival sources (that rarely occur in Middle Ages and early modern times), old regional history literature and also with cartographic sources. There are some toponyms relating to the history of glassmaking excerpted from these written and cartographic sources. They would probably be able to locate some habitats of defunct glassworks.
first rewind previous Page / 3 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.