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EN
The natural consequence of the current trends in global economy is the rise of the so called “new generation ”international trade agreements (TPP, CETA, TTIP) that encompass trade liberation and a range of different areas of economic and social life variously connected with trade. The Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) signed between the EU and Canada in October 2016 has caused numerous controversies both on the political and scientific level. The question of the fairness of signing the CETA is not only about whether the EU as an organization wants to tighten its trade and investment cooperation with Canada and the possible effects of the agreement for both parties, but it is essentially a question about whether the EU wants to take a step towards global economic integration, and if so, then does it want to take this step right now, at a time when it is facing serious problems. For these reasons the aim of this study is to draw attention to the fact that this unprecedented agreement with a highly developed third state deeply interferes in the economic, political and social life of both parties and was negotiated and signed by the European Union in an unprecedented way amid its most challenging and complex crisis so far. The above mentioned unprecedented and complex character of both phenomena is crucial because it is impossible to assess the effects of the implementation of the agreement or to estimate whether it will contribute to overcoming or deepening the crisis within the EU. CETA is therefore a major practical problem with implications for millions of EU citizens, but also a scientific problem as it represents the dilemma of contemporary economics - who and under what circumstances benefits from trade liberalization and economic integration.
EN
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: This article aims to present the principles of decision-making, distribution of competences regarding the common commercial policy (CCP), with attention given to the evolution of European Parliament’s (EP) role and to identify actions taken by the EP in relation to the CCP. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: Due to the Member States’ delegation of powers to the supranational level and decision-making procedures, allegations that there is no democratic legitimacy in the European Union are of particular relevance to the CCP. In this context, special importance is given to the role of the European Parliament and powers vested in it, especially over the past years. The article employs an analytical and descriptive method. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The first part presented decision-making principles for the EU’s common commercial policy. Next, the evolution of the European Parliament’s role in the shaping of the CCP was discussed. Finally, the last part gives attention to the EP’s actions in practice and attempts to assess what was a decisive factor behind the Parliament’s specific position. RESEARCH RESULTS: The Treaty of Lisbon increased the formal powers of the European Parliament with regard to the CCP, but at the same time, diminished the role of Member States’ national parliaments (which was due to the fact that the CCP coverage was extended and the scope of the EU’s exclusive competences was broadened). The research conducted has revealed that the EP is more and more often taking advantage of its position in the shaping of the EU commercial policy. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Due to the fact that the role of the European Parliament in the decision-making process has increased, the issue of a democracy deficit in the shaping of the CCP, which was raised in the pre-Lisbon Treaty period, is currently becoming less formally legitimate.
EN
The Polish-Danish diplomatic relations were officially established on 7 July 1945, when the Danish government acknowledged the Provisional Government of National Unity. The attempts to establish mutual relations started in June 1945, and the person who represented Poland was Jerzy Pański, the founder of the Association of Polish Patriots in Sweden and the representative of the information agency Polpress. Re-established Polish-Danish relations after WW II were dominated by economic contacts, because it was a difficult economic situation in both countries that made them start and continue the cooperation. In postwar Denmark there was a shortage of energy raw materials such as coal and coke, and the main trade partners of Denmark in the interwar period – Great Britain and Germany – were unable to satisfy the needs of Denmark. Danish politicians came up with an idea to obtain coal from Poland. Quite a few countries sought the delivery of coal at that time. Poland wanted to gain international recognition for its government, to reconstruct the country and to guarantee Poles deliveries of food. Agricultural and industrial articles constituted the basis of the Danish export. In the years 1945–1946 the first Polish-Danish trade contracts were made, which reestablished economic contacts, interrupted by the war. They outlined the direction of the cooperation for the next few years. The trade agreement of 29 August 1945 was a typical compensational contract – Poland exported coal and coke to Denmark, and in return Poland got butter, bacon, horses, cattle, seeds and fish. The total value of the turnover amounted to 54 million Danish crowns. The Polish-Danish trade and payment agreement of 7 October 1946 was more diversified , and the list of goods offered by both countries was more extensive. Poland saw to it that the list of products exported to Denmark was not so one-sided and based only on coal. Coal still constituted the basis of Polish export, but Denmark was interested in purchasing Polish zinc-plated sheet metal, glass and sanitary porcelain. The total value of the mutual exchange rose to 184 million Danish crowns. In the first postwar years Denmark was engaged in charity help for destroyed Poland. Danes gave food to children and the elderly, collected clothes, and what is most important they guaranteed medical help, thanks to which they won favour with Polish people.
EN
Changes which have taken place in recent years in the foreign trade policy of the European Union are quite important and in particular include its attitude towards preferential trade agreements (PTAs). Although the EU’s trade policy history shows that PTAs have been used in the past, only in recent years has their importance increased. The Union is now linked to about 50 different trade liberalizing agreements. With the change of motives for undertaking bilateral negotiations, the spatial extent has also changed. Preferential trade agreements have become one of the primary means of creating the modern foreign trade policy of the European Union.
PL
Cel: celem jest określenie efektywności i priorytetów modernizacji integracji handlowej Ukrainy z państwami UE przy wdrażaniu pogłębionej i kompleksowej umowy o wolnym handlu (DCFTA) oraz próba oceny pośrednich skutków umowy o wolnym handlu między krajami. Metodologia: w tym celu przeprowadzono analizę porównawczą, aby ocenić skuteczność układu o stowarzyszeniu oraz określić asymetrię handlu i integrację gospodarczą między Ukrainą a UE. Do określenia zależności eksportu Ukrainy do krajów UE od zmian PKB, a także wpływu integracji na wzrost gospodarczy wykorzystano metodę regresji korelacji. Z kolei metoda ekstrapolacji została zastosowana do wyliczenia prognoz tempa wzrostu gospodarczego i PKB na mieszkańca. Wyniki: określenie skuteczności i priorytetów modernizacji formatu integracji handlowej Ukrainy z UE we wdrażaniu DCFTA oraz ocena pośrednich skutków umowy między krajami. Obecnie konieczne jest unowocześnienie formatu integracji handlowej Ukrainy z UE w kontekście realizacji DCFTA. Za priorytetowe uznano trzy główne kierunki aktualizacji umowy: pogłębienie integracji sektorowej; zwiększenie bezcłowego eksportu na rynek UE; zniesienie pozataryfowych środków ograniczających handel z UE wraz z podpisaniem w tym celu szeregu porozumień. Ograniczenia/implikacje badawcze: wyniki badań będą przydatne dla badaczy tej tematyki, studentów, doktorantów i wykładowców specjalizujących się w stosunkach międzynarodowych i innych dyscyplinach naukowych, a wypracowane inicjatywy mogą posłużyć rządowi do sformułowania nowego stanowiska negocjacyjnego w sprawie układu o stowarzyszeniu między Ukrainą a UE. Oryginalność/wartość: prognozowanie i modelowanie obrotów handlu zagranicznego między Ukrainą a UE w oparciu o model grawitacyjny i analizę regresji korelacji potwierdza, że wprowadzenie DCFTA w latach 2016–2017 pozwoliło Ukrainie na zwiększenie eksportu do UE, a unowocześnienie handlowej części porozumienia pozytywnie wpłynie na rozwój gospodarczy i społeczny. W tym kontekście konieczne jest uwzględnienie interesów narodowych i partnerów handlowych, zwłaszcza możliwości wsparcia przez Ukrainę unijnej inicjatywy „Europejski Zielony Ład” na drodze do kształtowania się Europy jako kontynentu neutralnego pod względem emisji dwutlenku węgla. JEL: F10, F13, F17 Yatsenko, O., Reznikova, N., Karasova, N., Musiiets, T., Lavrinenko, O., & Nitsenko, V. (2020). Modernization of the Format of Ukraine’s Trade Integration With the EU in the Conditions of Implementation of the DCFTA. Problemy Zarządzania (Management Issues), 18(4), 101–124. https://doi.org/10.7172/1644-9584.90.6.
EN
Purpose: The purpose is to define the efficiency and priorities of modernization of Ukraine’s trade integration with the EU countries in the implementation of DCFTA and to attempt to assess the indirect effects of the free trade agreement between countries. Design/methodology/approach: To this end, a comparative analysis was carried out to assess the effectiveness of the Association Agreement and to identify the asymmetry of trade and economic integration between Ukraine and the EU. The correlation regression method was used to determine the dependence of Ukraine’s exports to the EU countries on GDP changes and to identify the integration impacts on economic growth. In turn, the extrapolation method was employed to calculate forecasts for the economic growth rate and GDP per capita. Findings: Determining the effectiveness and priorities of modernization of the trade integration format of Ukraine-EU in the implementation of the DCFTA, as well as evaluation of the intermediate results of the FTA between the countries. At present, it is necessary to modernize the format of Ukraine’s trade integration with the EU in the context of the implementation of the DCFTA. Three main vectors for updating the Agreement have been identified as priorities: deepening sectoral integration; increasing duty-free export to the EU market; eliminating non-tariff measures restricting trade with the EU along with signing a number of agreements for the above-mentioned purpose. Research limitations/implications: The results of the study will be useful to researchers of relevant issues, students, graduate students, doctoral students and teachers specializing in international relations and other academic disciplines, and the developed initiatives can be used by the government to form a new negotiating position on the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. Originality/value: Forecasting and modeling the Ukraine-EU foreign trade turnover based on the use of the gravity model and correlation-regression analysis confirms that the introduction of the DCFTA in 2016–2017 allowed Ukraine to increase exports to the EU and modernization of the trade part of the agreement will positively affect the economic and social development of Ukraine. In this context, it is necessary to take into account the national interests and trade partners, in particular the possibility of Ukraine’s support for the EU initiative “European Green Deal” on the path to the formation of Europe as a carbon-neutral continent. JEL: F10, F13, F17 Yatsenko, O., Reznikova, N., Karasova, N., Musiiets, T., Lavrinenko, O., & Nitsenko, V. (2020). Modernization of the Format of Ukraine’s Trade Integration With the EU in the Conditions of Implementation of the DCFTA. Problemy Zarządzania (Management Issues), 18(4), 101–124. https://doi.org/10.7172/1644-9584.90.6.
PL
W artykule omówiono porozumienia handlowe zawarte między Meksykiem a innymi krajami. Wyniki analizy odpowiedzi na impuls oraz współczynników natychmiastowej quasi-korelacji wskazują na znaczący wzrost synchronizacji meksykańskiego cyklu koniunkturalnego z cyklami krajów rozwiniętych oraz na istotny wzrost wrażliwości gospodarki meksykańskiej na szoki w gospodarce światowej.
EN
In this paper we evaluate the role of trading channels in the transmission of shocks on the basis of the business cycle synchronization between the Mexican and the world economy. In order to evaluate business cycle synchronization, parameters of 2-variate VAR models for GDP growths are estimated. Measures of instantaneous quasi-correlation coefficients are calculated for the period preceding the signing of an agreement and the period of validity of the agreement.
EN
The so-called new-generation trade agreements, such as the CETA agreement signed by the EU and Canada, include not only the liberalization of trade in goods and the creation of a free trade area, but also many other areas, such as liberalization of the services market, including public services, mutual recognition of professional qualifications, deregulation and liberalization of financial markets, enhanced cooperation in the protection of intellectual property, and mutual investment protection. The considerations carried out in this work show that the analysis of the consequences of this type of agreements should be carried out not only at the level of the entire EU but also from the perspective of individual member states whose level of economic development and economic structures differ significantly. This is important for proper preparation for the entry into force of such an agreement, creating conditions for the full use of the opportunities arising from it and for adapting to the new market-specific situation and avoiding the greatest possible threats.
PL
Tzw. umowy handlowe nowej generacji, takie jak podpisane przez Unię Europejską i Kanadę porozumienie CETA obejmują nie tylko liberalizację handlu towarami i utworzenie strefy wolnego handlu, ale również wiele innych obszarów. Należą do nich m.in.: liberalizacja rynku usług, w tym usług o charakterze publicznym, wzajemne uznawanie kwalifikacji zawodowych, deregulacja i liberalizacja rynków finansowych, zacieśnienie współpracy w ramach ochrony własności intelektualnej, czy wzajemna ochrona inwestycji. Z rozważań przeprowadzonych w niniejszej pracy wynika, że analiza konsekwencji tego typu umów powinna być przeprowadzana nie tylko na poziomie całego ugrupowania integracyjnego jakim jest UE, ale też z punktu widzenia pojedynczych państw członkowskich, których poziom rozwoju gospodarczego oraz struktury gospodarek znacznie się od siebie różnią. Jest to istotne dla odpowiedniego przygotowania się do wejścia w życie takiego porozumienia, stworzenia warunków do pełnego wykorzystania wynikających z niego szans i dostosowania się do nowej, specyficznej dla danego państwa sytuacji rynkowej oraz uniknięcia największych możliwych zagrożeń.
EN
 This paper aims to examine the effect of reducing the import tariffs of trading partners on total and individual exports of products from three countries of the Western Balkans and individually observed for each country. In order to investigate the potential effect, this paper applied the gravity equation and the GMM model system dynamic data estimation. The research is based on aggregate and non‑aggregate approach. Within the aggregate approach for the three countries of the Western Balkans, the reduction of import simple average tariff rate (SAT) and weighted average tariff (WAT) rate have a positive effect on the growth of total and individual exports of products. Within the non‑aggregate approach for each country individually, the reduction in imports of SAT and WAT rates also have a positive effect on the growth of total and individual exports of products from Albania and Serbia, while this effect is weak for FYR Macedonia. 
PL
Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu zbadanie wpływu obniżenia taryf importowych partnerów handlowych na eksport całkowity i eksport poszczególnych produktów z trzech państw Bałkanów Zachodnich łącznie oraz obserwowany indywidualnie dla każdego państwa. W celu zbadania potencjalnego efektu, w artykule wykorzystano równanie grawitacyjne i dokonano szacowania danych dynamicznych z użyciem systemu GMM. Badania dokonano w oparciu o podejście łączne i indywidualne. Podejście łączne do trzech krajów Bałkanów Zachodnich wskazało iż obniżenie średniej stawki celnej w imporcie (simple average tariff rate – SAT) i średniej ważonej stawki celnej (weighted average tariff – WAT) pozytywnie wpływa na wzrost eksportu całkowitego i eksportu poszczególnych produktów. Zastosowanie podejścia indywidualnego dla każdego kraju wykazało, że spadek stawek SAT i WAT w imporcie ma również pozytywny wpływ na wzrost eksportu całkowitego i eksportu poszczególnych produktów z Albanii i Serbii, podczas gdy efekt ten jest słaby dla Byłej Jugosłowiańskiej Republiki Macedonii.
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Integration Character of the CETA Agreement

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PL
Jednym z przejawów globalizacji gospodarczej jest w ostatnich latach powstawanie tzw. umów handlowych nowej generacji, takich jak TPP, CETA i TTIP. Ich celem jest liberalizacja handlu, jednak ich zakres jest szerszy i obejmuje również inne sfery życia społeczno‑gospodarczego, bezpośrednio lub pośrednio związane z handlem, jak np. liberalizacja usług o charakterze publicznym, wzajemne uznawanie kwalifikacji zawodowych, deregulacja i liberalizacja rynków finansowych, ochrona praw własności intelektualnej, współpraca w tworzeniu nowych przepisów czy ochrona wzajemnych inwestycji. Z powyższych względów w niniejszym artykule przeprowadzona została analiza zakresu i treści podpisanego przez Unię Europejską i Kanadę w 2016 r. porozumienia CETA z punktu widzenia etapów integracji gospodarczej zdefiniowanych przez B. Balassę oraz dotychczasowego doświadczenia UE – w celu podjęcia próby odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy nazywanie tego typu umów umowami handlowymi, nawet wzbogaconymi o określenie „nowej generacji”, jest uzasadnione. Przeprowadzona analiza prowadzi do wniosku, że umowa CETA powinna zostać raczej uznana za porozumienie o charakterze integracyjnym. Większość jej ustaleń charakteryzuje się bowiem podobnym stopniem złożoności, jaki był osiągany przez państwa członkowskie UE na etapie budowy jednolitego rynku, a więc etapie integracji zdefiniowanym przez B. Balassę jako wspólny rynek, a niektóre z nich na etapie tworzenia unii gospodarczej czy monetarnej. Zakres omawianego porozumienia, tzn. liczba obszarów życia społeczno‑gospodarczego przez nie regulowanego oraz poziom zaawansowania i kompleksowość zapisów, wykracza daleko ponad powszechne rozumienie umowy handlowej oraz ponad jej oficjalny cel – utworzenie strefy wolnego handlu między UE i Kanadą. Prowadzi bowiem do znacznie głębszej integracji gospodarczej niż strefa wolnego handlu w klasycznym ujęciu i potocznym znaczeniu.
EN
One of the manifestations of economic globalisation seen in recent years is the so‑called “new generation” type of trade agreements such as the TPP, CETA and TTIP. They aim at trade liberalisation, but their scope is broader, comprising other areas of socio‑economic life, more or less directly linked to trade, such as e.g.: the liberalisation of public services, the mutual recognition of professional qualifications, the deregulation and liberalisation of financial markets, the protection of intellectual property rights, and the cooperation in creating new rules or protecting mutual investments. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to analyse the scope and content of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) signed in 2016 by the European Union and Canada from the point of view of the Balassa stages of economic integration and the EU’s experience in order to state whether the naming of such agreements as trade agreements, even with the “new generation” qualification, is really justified. The analysis presented in this paper leads to the conclusion that this agreement should rather be included in the category of agreements labelled as integration agreements. Most of the CETA provisions are at the same level of sophistication as was achieved by the EU countries at the stage of building the single market, that is, at the stage of the implementation of the common market in Balassa’s nomenclature, and some of them are at the stage of economic and monetary union. The scope of the CETA, i.e. the number of areas of social and economic life regulated by it as well as their advancement and complexity, goes far beyond what is commonly understood as a trade agreement and beyond its official purpose – the creation of a free trade area between the European Union and Canada. It leads to economic integration at a level far deeper than a free trade area in its classic and common sense.
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