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EN
The aim of this paper is to present selected experiences of European Union trade liberalization, impact of globalization on vulnerable sectors of the EU. Many such experiences are discussed. Central Asian countries must consider vast amount of data, sector-specific information and aspects and still it will not be easy to say that pursued liberalization is the good direction to a wealthier nation with healthy regions, richer citizens and higher tax income for government. We start with brief introduction discussing primary motivation for European liberalization, then we focus on review selected literature sources, concluding that liberalization in general is a good thing and that there is very high probability of success but no guarantees can be drawn as every country is very specific and all policies must be pursued with high degree of attention and thorough analysis. Based on good EU examples of BFTA and CEFTA we recommend considering multilateral free trade agreement within CIS free trade area.
EN
United States and the European Union are the two main centers of the world economy. Both of these centers are each important trading partners in the field of trade in goods and services, capital flows in the form of foreign direct investment. The European Union’s relations with the United States there is both collaboration and competition. Despite the emerging tensions or even conflicts in the relationship both partners are allies and have a decisive impact on the liberalization of world trade, the ongoing process of the GATT/WTO. As part of strengthening transatlantic cooperation created a number of institutions and mechanisms to facilitate and support economic cooperation and signed a number of additional agreements aff ecting trade in mutual, for example, in terms of mutual recognition agreements, aimed at eliminating technical barriers to trade in goods. A negotiated agreement between the two largest economies on a free trade zone may constitute a turning point in transatlantic relations.
EN
The aim of this paper is to present the possibilities of development of trade, production, demand, and prices in agri-food sector of the ASEAN countries in view of changes caused by implementation of the new agricultural agreement negotiated under the WTO auspices. A general equilibrium model Global Trade Analysis Project was used in the research to make ex ante projections. Based on the GTAP simulation it can be concluded that having cost-price advantage and taking advantage of freer access to the markets of the highly developed countries, the ASEAN nations may increase the volume of agricultural production and export. In consequence, they may benefit from the liberalization.
EN
Transatlantic Alliance in the beginning of the second decade of the twenty-first century requires a “renovation” in the face of increasing globalization and new security threats. The European Union and the United States, being the natural pillars of a multipolar world, are aware of need to revive the mutual relationship. France as a one of the traditional European powers strongly determines the shape of transatlantic cooperation. This article attempts to identify the French point of view on the transatlantic relationship. French interests and their perceptions in the security area are important and needs to be taken into account. So then, how France views transatlantic relations? What goals France wants to achieve in the context of transatlantic cooperation? Why France is not “easy” partner for the United States? The article focuses on the issue of economic cooperation liberalization in the light of the EU - the U.S. free trade agreement (under negotiation) and the political and military aspects of cooperation focused around the NATO and the “European Defense” concept.
EN
This paper studies the ex-post trade efects of China's multilateral, regional and bilateral trade liberalization using augmented gravity and panel data estimation methods for the period 1995-2016. China's accession to the WTO was revealed to have had a significant impact on the volume of trade as well as on bilateral exports and imports. Regional trade agreements and the majority of bilateral trade agreements were found not to be efective in increasing China's foreign trade. Only the agreements with Chile, Costa Rica and Switzerland were efective in increasing China's trade volume. Moreover, the results for Chile were driven by increases in both exports and imports, while for Costa Rica and Switzerland only by increased imports from these countries.
EN
The author analyses the very complex relationship between bilateralism, regionalism, and multilateralism in the global trade liberalization agenda. The United States, one of the biggest promoters of trade liberalization through multilateral negotiations, shifted its focus to bilateralism and regionalism in mid-80’s. This shift reflected changes in global economy, end of the US economic dominance, and stagnation of the multilateral negotiations. Major economic powers, including regional semipowers, started to compete for trade preferences. Today, global economy is filled with a dense network of regional and bilateral agreements, which offer signatories to proceed in trade liberalization beyond the WTO agenda. Although sub-Saharan Africa is the most marginalized region, it is also part of this network. Trade relations between the US and Africa developed in last 15 years under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), unilateral trade preference regime allowing African states duty-free access to the US market. However, as the case study of East African Community member states reveals, the benefit is very limited and very likely will not lead to any substantial changes in trade patterns in Africa.
CS
Autor analyzuje složité vztahy mezi bilateralismem, regionalismem a multilateralismem v agendě celosvětové liberalizace obchodu. Spojené státy, jeden z největších propagátorů liberalizace obchodu prostřednictvím mnohostranných jednání, přesunuly v polovině 80. let svůj zájem k bilaterálním a regionálním dohodám. Tento posun odráží změny v globální ekonomice, konec ekonomické dominance USA a stagnaci mnohostranných jednání. Hlavní ekonomické velmoci začaly soutěžit o získání co největších obchodních preferencí. Dnes je globální ekonomika vyplněna hustou sítí regionálních a dvoustranných dohod, které nabízejí signatářům možnost pokračovat v liberalizaci obchodu i nad rámec agendy Světové obchodní organizace. Ačkoli subsaharská Afrika je nejvíce marginalizovaným regionem světové ekonomiky, je také součástí této sítě. Obchodní vztahy mezi USA a Afrikou se vyvinuly zejména v posledních patnácti letech na bázi African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). Jedná se o jednostranný obchodní preferenční režim, který umožňuje africkým státům bezcelní přístup na americký trh. Jak ale ukazuje případová studie Východoafrického společenství, výhody plynoucí z AGOA jsou pro většinu afrických států velmi omezené a je velmi pravděpodobné, že AGOA nepřinese žádné podstatné změny ve struktuře obchodu v Africe.
EN
TTIP - the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is an agreement that carries a number of risks for the economy, the natural environment, consumer rights, labour rights and access to public services in the European Union. The mechanisms included in the agreement, concerning the settlement of disputes between states and foreign investors, pose a number of threats to democracy as well. The benefits that are supposed to result from the implementation of the agreement will primarily be reaped by large corporations involved in the transatlantic trade. Mostly the citizens and societies of the EU member states will be under threat from the agreement. The principle of mutual recognition of regulations, which is expected to be practically universally used in accordance with the agreement, will mean in practice lowering safeguards protecting the rights of citizens, workers and consumers in the European Union. The liberalization of trade within the TTIP will be a factor forcing increased competition also in relation to the Polish small and medium-sized enterprises, and as a result, putting also pressure to reduce wages and other costs, including those related to the need of complying with the norms or standards. Thus, there are far more threats than benefits of the agreement.
PL
TTIP - Transatlantyckie Partnerstwo w sprawie Handlu i Inwestycji to umowa, która niesie wiele zagrożeń dla gospodarki, środowiska naturalnego, praw konsumenta, praw pracowniczych oraz dostępności do usług publicznych w państwach Unii Europejskiej. Zawarte w umowie mechanizmy, w tym dotyczące rozstrzygania sporów między państwami a inwestorami zagranicznymi, oznaczają także liczne zagrożenia dla demokracji. Korzyści, które mają wynikać z realizacji tej umowy, przypadną przede wszystkim wielkim korporacjom uczestniczącym w handlu transatlantyckim, zagrożenia będą dotyczyły przede wszystkim obywateli i społeczeństw państw unijnych. Przewidywane niemal powszechne stosowanie, w wyniku umowy, zasady wzajemnego uznawania przepisów, oznaczać będzie w praktyce obniżenie zabezpieczeń chroniących prawa obywateli, pracowników i konsumentów w Unii Europejskiej. Liberalizacja handlu w ramach TTIP będzie czynnikiem wymuszającym zwiększoną konkurencję również wobec małych i średnich firm polskich, a w rezultacie także presję na zmniejszenie płac i innych kosztów, w tym związanych z koniecznością przestrzegania norm czy standardów. Zagrożeń jest więc zdecydowanie więcej niż korzyści.
PL
W czerwcu 2012 r. Unia Europejska podpisała z sześcioma państwami Ameryki Środkowej (Gwatemala, Honduras, Kostaryka, Nikaragua, Panama i Salwador) układ o stowarzyszeniu, zawierający kompleksowe regulacje w dziedzinie współpracy politycznej i rozwojowej oraz wymiany handlowej. Nowa umowa zakłada m.in. utworzenie pomiędzy partnerami strefy wolnego handlu. Postępujący proces ratyfikacji sprawił, że w ostatnich miesiącach wchodziła w życie stopniowo w poszczególnych krajach część handlowa umowy stowarzyszeniowej. Zgodnie z przyjętą umową, w ciągu 10 kolejnych lat bezcłowy handel powinien objąć większość towarów przemysłowych i produktów rybołówstwa. Liberalizacji ulegnie także handel artykułami rolnymi (szczególnie po 6-letnim okresie przejściowym). W umowie przewidziano przy tym dodatkowe preferencje dla krajów Ameryki Środkowej w zakresie eksportu bananów na rynki państw UE. Umowa zakłada także usuwanie barier pozataryfowych oraz reguluje, zgodnie z aktualnym podejściem UE, takie zagadnienia jak: handel usługami, ochronę własności intelektualnej, bezpośrednie inwestycje zagraniczne, kwestie zamówień publicznych i politykę konkurencji. Nowe porozumienie jest istotne dla obydwu stron z uwagi na zmiany (od 1 stycznia 2014 r.) w powszechnym systemie preferencji celnych UE (GSP), jak również szereg zawartych i negocjowanych przez państwa Ameryki Środkowej dwustronnych umów handlowych z krajami trzecimi.
EN
In June 2012, the European Union signed with six countries of Central America (Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, El Salvador) the Association Agreement, including comprehensive regulations on political dialogue, development cooperation and trade. The new agreement inter alia establishes the free trade area between the parties. Last months of the ratification process have resulted in implementing the trade pillar of the agreement in all countries of the Central America region. According to the agreement, almost all trade in manufactured goods and fisheries should be eliminated within ten years. Trade in agricultural products will be also highly liberalised (especially after the six-year transition period). The agreement also includes additional preferences for CA countries in exporting bananas to the EU market as well as regulations on the abolition of non-tariff barrier. It also regulates, in line with the current EU trade strategy, issues such as trade in services, intellectual property rights, foreign direct investments, public procurement, and competition policy. The new agreement is also important for both parties in the context of modifications in the EU's Generalised System of Preferences (to be implemented starting the 1 January 2014) as well as a series of concluded and negotiated by the CA countries bilateral trade agreements with third countries.
PL
Celem artykułu było przedstawienie wyników analizy głównych tendencji w handlu zagranicznym państw UE-10 w okresie 10 lat od największego rozszerzenia Unii Europejskiej (2004–2013). Przystąpienie do Unii Europejskiej oznaczało znaczące zmiany w handlu nowych państw członkowskich (UE-10) – zarówno w handlu wzajemnym, z krajami UE-15, jak i z krajami trzecimi. Analizę skoncentrowano więc na rosnącej roli handlu zagranicznego jako jednego z istotnych czynników rozwoju gospodarczego krajów UE-10 oraz zwiększeniu integracji tych krajów z gospodarką światową. Badanie statystyczne dotyczyło analizy dynamiki importu i eksportu, struktury handlu w ramach grup towarowych SITC oraz BEC, wskaźników koncentracji (współczynnika Giniego oraz indeksu Herfindahla-Hirschmana), a także podobieństwa struktur wymiany. Wyniki przeprowadzonego badania pozwoliły na pozytywne zweryfikowanie tezy, że zmiany strukturalne będące konsekwencją liberalizacji handlu w ramach procesów integracyjnych UE przyczyniły się do poprawy pozycji konkurencyjnej państw UE-10.
EN
The aim of the article was to present the results of an analysis of major trends in foreign trade in the 10-year period following the largest eastern EU enlargement (2004–2013). Accession to the European Union meant a significant change in New Member States’ trade terms, both with other accession countries and EU-15 and third countries. The analysis focuses on the growing role of foreign trade as one of the important factors of economic development of the EU-10 and the increased integration of these countries into the global economy after accession. The statistical aspect of the study focused on the analysis of import and export growth (flows and dynamics), the structure of trade by SITC and BEC commodity groups, concentration indicators (such as the Gini coefficient and the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index) and the similarity of the structures of exchange. The conclusions from this research enabled the identification of arguments for the thesis that structural changes which resulted from trade liberalisation within the EU integration processes helped improve the international competitive position of the EU-10 states.
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