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Zjawisko przemytu dóbr kultury

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EN
Trafficking in cultural property is a transnational crime that threatens world cultural heritage and jeopardizes legitimate trade in art. The smuggling of cultural property assumes a number of forms. Items might be illegally imported or exported, cultural property might be take out of a country on a temporary permit and not returned, and cultural property might not be declared when it is brought into a country to avoid paying duty. Given such diverse forms of smuggling, criminologists find it hard to give an unequivocal definition of trafficking in cultural property and to specify who is a trafficker and who is not. The illegal transfer of cultural property across national borders is often connected to, if not tightly bound with, other types of crime. Criminals who steal precious works of art and organized gangs that loot archaeological sites all factor smuggling into their plans to sell the stolen cultural property. Trafficking often remains undetected until a stolen item is found abroad. Unless the item is found, many years can transpire before anybody realizes that it was illegally moved across national borders. Law enforcement statistics consequently fail to fully convey the scale of trafficking in cultural property. It is also worth noting that cultural property, and especially works of art, is of interest to organized crime and used as collateral in e.g. drug transactions and money laundering. Globalization has strengthened the phenomena that stimulate trafficking in cultural property. Streamlined movement of goods, limited border checks and higher traffic between countries are all contributing factors that heighten the risk of cultural property being illegally transferred. Preventive measures are required to alleviate this risk. International organizations such as UNESCO, UNODC and Interpol have been combating trafficking in cultural property by devising practical measures and drawing up regulations to help contain the problem. Unfortunately, these have met with mixed success. The measures devised to prevent the illegal movement of cultural property between EU member states have proved to be ineffective, prompting changes to both Polish law and EU regulations. This paper outlines the scale and extent of trafficking in cultural property and discusses the legal regulations designed to combat it.
EN
The article concerns instruments used by Interpol in the fight against international trafficking in human beings. Human trafficking is one of the most dangerous types of organised crime which results in many negative consequences for states and societies. Taking into account that this kind of crime is often transnational in character, cooperation between countries and the activity of international organisations plays an important role in combating trafficking in human beings. The analysis of the subject led the author to following conclusions. First of all, it is certain that Interpol’s role in this respect is crucial. Being a global organisation, Interpol gives opportunities for cooperation between almost all countries in the world. No other police organisation guarantees such opportunities.Secondly, attention must be paid to Interpol’s nature. This organisation cannot literally be treated as “international police”, because Interpol’s officials are not allowed to lead independent investigations within member countries. Interpol is an organisation which coordinates the efforts of police forces and has established new standards in this field. This fact implies the instruments being used by ICPO in the fight against international trafficking in human beings. The most important of these are: anti-criminal operations and projects, global systems of data exchange and partnerships, as well as conferences and other events.Finally, the third conclusion is that international police cooperation does not replace other efforts which must be undertaken by states in order to combat international trafficking in human beings. Thus, some actions in political, social and other areas are also necessary.
EN
The aim of this article is to develop a comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon of violence against street children in India, showing its many different dimensions and complexities. It outlines social issues such as violence against the girl child, child labour, street children and trafficking. It also cites patriarchy, hierarchy, masculinity, control, and lack of accountability, as essential components in the practice of violence against children. The review provides brief introductory notes and concentrates mainly on illustrating the hopelessness of life of some groups of Indian street children.
EN
Modern governments in modern states in third world countries are overwhelmed with social circumstances that have forced citizens to resort to self-help. Also, prevalent unclear demographic and globalization issues are sometimes neutral lines of justification for either transit or destination posture of the West African states. Concisely, poverty issues have continuously permeated the West Africa region’s fabric, and the challenges seem protracting. It has implications for mobility, (women) trafficking, and human security, among others. The quantitative approach adopted profiled index while evaluating and descriptive methods explained the content. Among other findings, lack of national data and proper immigration service is obvious. Thus, adequate data for national planning is recommended. Further, ongoing regional and national initiatives for possible integration and collaboration to address challenges are advocated.
PL
The labour of foreign minors living in Italy fits into a double scenario: on the one hand, it evokes aspects or lifestyles typical of their original culture and therefore represents an experience of continuity with it; on the other hand, it is placed in the context of the host country, where young migrants are often employed in low-skilled jobs or are forced to enter the job market as a means to support themselves and their family. This is an entirely transversal problem in the country, concerning both the more industrialised areas of the North and the more agricultural areas of the South. The sectors where the labour of minors is more widespread are commerce, catering, agriculture, and services. Case studies relating to the experiences of young Chinese migrants and children of Moroccan descent living in Italy are presented in this article. The concluding section suggests that there is no single causal factor responsible for child labour. Indeed, subsistence poverty, inequalities in accessing the labour market and parental choices or constraints may influence the decision to coerce a minor to work.   Praca małoletnich cudzoziemców mieszkających we Włoszech może mieć dwa scenariusze. Pierwszy z nich odnosi się do stylu życia typowego dla kultury, z której się wywodzą migranci (i stanowi jej powielenie oraz przedłużenie), gdzie praca dzieci jest czymś powszechnym. Drugi zaś związany jest z sytuacją na rynku pracy we Włoszech, czyli w kraju przyjmującym, w którym młodzi migranci często są zatrudniani na stanowiskach wymagających niskich kwalifikacji lub są zmuszani do podjęcia pracy w celu utrzymania siebie i swojej rodziny. Problem ten widoczny jest w całym kraju – dotyczy zarówno bardziej uprzemysłowionych obszarów na północy, jak i bardziej rolniczych na południu. Sektory, w których praca dzieci jest najbardziej rozpowszechniona, to handel, gastronomia, rolnictwo i usługi. W artykule przedstawiono studium przypadków opierające się na doświadczeniach młodych migrantów z Chin oraz dzieci pochodzenia marokańskiego, mieszkających we Włoszech. W zakończeniu artykułu podkreślono, że nie ma jednej przyczyny odpowiadającej za pracę dzieci. Czynniki takie jak: głębokie ubóstwo, nierówności w dostępie do rynku pracy, a także wybory rodziców i przymus z ich strony, mogą wpływać na podjęcie decyzji o zmuszeniu dziecka do podjęcia pracy.
EN
The labour of foreign minors living in Italy fits into a double scenario: on the one hand, it evokes aspects or lifestyles typical of their original culture and therefore represents an experience of continuity with it; on the other hand, it is placed in the context of the host country, where young migrants are often employed in low-skilled jobs or are forced to enter the job market as a means to support themselves and their family. This is an entirely transversal problem in the country, concerning both the more industrialised areas of the North and the more agricultural areas of the South. The sectors where the labour of minors is more widespread are commerce, catering, agriculture, and services. Case studies relating to the experiences of young Chinese migrants and children of Moroccan descent living in Italy are presented in this article. The concluding section suggests that there is no single causal factor responsible for child labour. Indeed, subsistence poverty, inequalities in accessing the labour market and parental choices or constraints may influence the decision to coerce a minor to work.
PL
There is a need for a transnational framework that would redefine labour trafficking in terms of debt bondage and challenge the privileges of legal contracts at the expense of migrant workers’ human and labour rights. We argue that anti-trafficking legislation in the US and Thailand is expansive in definition, but its application is too restrictive to deliver justice to the victims. The debt-labour industry easily becomes a form of transnational labour trafficking. We examine Thailand as an origin and destination country for labour trafficking through two cases involving the US and Thailand though a Marxist and liberal analysis that considers critical race theory. The limitations in which these cases could not achieve full justice represent the challenges for transnational labour rights for noncitizen migrant workers. We examine the Global Horizons agricultural labour case, 2002–2012, and Thailand’s fishing sector, which led to its Tier 3 ranking in the 2014 Trafficking in Persons Report. This report was used in international campaigns to pressurise corporate industries and retailers to change their code of conduct, necessitating considerations of the effectiveness of supply chain responsibility.   Zarówno amerykańskie, jak i tajskie przypadki łamania praw pracowniczych i praw człowieka wykorzystywanych do pracy przymusowej opierają się na systemie związania długiem (debt bondage). Można wręcz powiedzieć, że oparty na umowach oraz czasowych wizach migracyjnych do pracy amerykański system imigracyjny jest częścią procederu handlu ludźmi do pracy przymusowej. Stąd istnieje potrzeba stworzenia ponadnarodowych ram, które zdefiniowałyby na nowo handel ludźmi do pracy przymusowej, uznając za jego element również związanie długiem (czy też inaczej niewolę za długi). Podważyłoby to legalność zawieranych obecnie umów naruszających prawa człowieka i prawa pracownicze osób migrujących. Przepisy dotyczące zwalczania handlu ludźmi w USA i Tajlandii są obszerne, ale ich stosowanie jest zbyt restrykcyjne i nie pozwala zagwarantować pokrzywdzonym poczucia sprawiedliwości. Związanie długiem dość łatwo jest wykorzystywane w międzynarodowym handlu ludźmi do pracy przymusowej. Autorzy artykułu badaniu poddali Tajlandię jako kraj pochodzenia i kraj docelowy handlu ludźmi. Przy wykorzystaniu analizy marksistowskiej i liberalnej, a zatem uwzględniając krytyczną teorię rasy, zbadali dwie sprawy dotyczące Stanów Zjednoczonych i Tajlandii. Zidentyfikowane w nich ograniczenia utrudniające wymierzenie sprawiedliwości stanowią wyzwanie dla transgranicznych praw pracowniczych pracowników migrujących. Są to sprawy dotyczące wykorzystania do pracy w rolnictwie przez Global Horizons w latach 2002–2012 oraz w tajlandzkim sektorze rybołówstwa, który w raporcie Trafficking in Persons z 2014 roku został sklasyfikowany w trzecim, najniższym poziomie ochrony (Tier 3). Raport ten został wykorzystany w międzynarodowych kampaniach mających na celu wywarcie presji na globalne korporacje i sprzedawców detalicznych, aby zmienili sposób postępowania i zastanowili się nad skutecznością oraz swoją odpowiedzialnością w ramach łańcucha dostaw.
EN
There is a need for a transnational framework that would redefine labour trafficking in terms of debt bondage and challenge the privileges of legal contracts at the expense of migrant workers’ human and labour rights. We argue that anti-trafficking legislation in the US and Thailand is expansive in definition, but its application is too restrictive to deliver justice to the victims. The debt-labour industry easily becomes a form of transnational labour trafficking. We examine Thailand as an origin and destination country for labour trafficking through two cases involving the US and Thailand though a Marxist and liberal analysis that considers critical race theory. The limitations in which these cases could not achieve full justice represent the challenges for transnational labour rights for noncitizen migrant workers. We examine the Global Horizons agricultural labour case, 2002–2012, and Thailand’s fishing sector, which led to its Tier 3 ranking in the 2014 Trafficking in Persons Report. This report was used in international campaigns to pressurise corporate industries and retailers to change their code of conduct, necessitating considerations of the effectiveness of supply chain responsibility.
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