Search results

1

Book review: Cheryl Lawther, Luke Moffett and Dov Jacobs (eds.), Research Handbook on Transitional Justice, Edward Elgar Publishing, Cheltenham: 2017

100%

Wierczyńska K.

Polish Yearbook of International Law

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2017

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vol. 37

320-323

EN

Review of a book: Cheryl Lawther, Luke Moffett and Dov Jacobs (eds.), Research Handbook on Transitional Justice, Edward Elgar Publishing, Cheltenham: 2017

2

Transitional Justice in Relationship to Public Sphere and Civil Society: Theoretical Approaches

100%

Pietrzak E.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2018

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vol. 1 (47)

54–66

EN

The article presents the entitled fields in the framework of their mutual influence. The notion of the public sphere is valuable for understanding the role that civil society plays in transitional justice processes. However transitional justice often reduces the idea of civil society to NGOs and ignores the social movements and civic engagement in the public realm that can be perceived as integral to the creation of new cases for understanding justice in transition. This fact results in the lack of perception of the civil society place in transitional justice processes. Thus the presented paper is based on hermeneutics, critical discourse analysis and dialogue between various theoretical approaches.

3

A model of strategic preemption: Why do post-communists hurt themselves?

88%

Kamiński M. M., Nalepa M.

Decyzje

|

2014

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issue 21

31-65

EN

Why do political actors pass legislation that seemingly hurts them? Lustration laws limit access to public offi ce of the ancien regime's collaborators and hurt members of post-communist parties in East-Central Europe. So why has lustration in Poland, Hungary, and Bulgaria been passed when post-communist parties held parliamentary majorities? Why did the postcommunist party in Romania switch from no-lustration to pro-lustration after the 1992 elections? We explain this phenomenon by electoral timing and rules of procedure in legislatures. Specifi cally, we develop an agenda-setter model with a fi nite number of parties, imperfect information, and multiple potential medians. Our main argument can be summarized as follows: Suppose that the Postcommunists do not introduce any lustration bill and then lose proposal power in elections. If Anti-communists come to power, they are sure to introduce a harsher bill, and the median of the legislature may prefer such a bill to a no-bil status quo. Post-communists can prevent such a scenario by implementing a mild bill themselves. If they manage to appease the new parliamentary median, they will block a harsher bill that would be implemented after they lose power. Additional results show how electoral perspectives and uncertainty affect and modify this typical scenario. We test our model with an exhaustive analysis of all cases from East- Central Europe that meet our assumptions that a Postcommunist party is in power and no lustration bill is already in force.

4

Reckoning with the Communist Past in Poland Thirty Years After the Regime Change in the Light of the European Convention on Human Rights

88%

Wójcik A.

Polish Yearbook of International Law

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2019

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vol. 39

135-157

EN

The article discusses the point of interconnection between historical policy and international human rights law standards on the example of a so-called decommunisation Act enacted in Poland in 2016 that reduces retirement pensions and other benefts to individuals who were employed or in service in selected state formations and institutions in 1944-1990, amending the Act adopted in 2009. The Act of 16 December 2016 is analyzed in the light of the standards of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), including relevant standards on coming to terms with the past as an element of transitional justice. The examination concludes that there is a discrepancy between the rationale for adopting this legislation in Poland, namely to reckon with the communist past and as such increase social trust in state institutions, and the legal solutions contained in the 2016 Act.

5

Polish lustration and the models of transitional justice

88%

Krotoszyński M.

Adam Mickiewicz University Law Review

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2014

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vol. 3

199-211

PL

Transitional justice in the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe concentrates on the problem of the lustration of former secret service officers and their clandestine collaborators and on the question of access to files created by the communist political police. The aim of the article is to present the Polish experience in this field in view of the theoretical framework available in transitional justice literature. Thus, the text begins with definitions of some basic notions connected with dealing with the past. The article also proposes three basic models of transitional justice. The third part offers an account of Polish lustration and public disclosure measures and assigns those instruments to the models of transitional justice. The final section presents some concluding remarks on the evolution of Polish lustration.

6

Transitional Justice in Ongoing Conflicts and Post-War Reconstruction: Reintegrating Donbas into Ukraine

88%

Lachowski T.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2017

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vol. 2 (46)

36–54

EN

The main aim of the paper is to analyse the potential transitional justice mechanisms, directed at reintegration of Donbas, a territory temporarily occupied by pro-Russian separatists, being under the combination of a direct and indirect control of Kremlin, with Ukraine. In the aftermath of the Revolution of Dignity and a remove of ex-President Viktor Yanukovych as a consequence of Euromaidan protests held in Kyiv, in the Winter 2013/14, Ukraine became a state involved in the international armed conflict covering its Eastern provinces as a result of an external aggression of the Russian Federation. Furthermore, since early-2014, Moscow is continuously using pro-Russian militants to form and uphold unrecognised, de facto regimes of the so-called ‘Donetsk’ and ‘Luhansk People’s Republic(s)’ affecting the territorial integrity of the Ukrainian state. It is argued that Kyiv shall take into consideration some of the peace and restoration models applied in similar conflict or post-conflict environments, such as the United Nations Transitional Administration for Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium (UNTAES) or the experience of numerous disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programs, filled with the transitional justice component. Moreover, by emphasising the context of a military (semifrozen) conflict in Eastern Ukraine, the paper is going to shed more light on the possible application of transitional justice tool-kit in the ongoing conflicts scenarios and its potential contribution to the shift from a conflict to the postwar environment.

7

Reply to Disclosure Scandals in Romania Political Parties and the Romanian Orthodox Church

88%

Mica A.

|

2020

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vol. 165

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issue 1

39-62

EN

In this paper the evolution of specific types of scandals within the field of transitional justice in Romania is shown. Furthermore, the study makes an inquiry into the reactions of different actors, socio-professional categories and organizations to the implementation of the disclosure law in Romania and to the flourishing of several legislative proposals on lustration and decommunization in the years following the 1989 anti-communist revolution. The actors under scrutiny are main political parties and the Romanian Orthodox Church respectively. The cases under review indicate that scandal is a quite versatile institution, and that the outcome of the disclosure scandals might as well be the advancement of disclosure and lustration measures, as well as also the hampering of such initiatives.

8

The importance of lustration in the democratization process of Ukraine

88%

MINYENKOVA N.

Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje

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2017

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vol. 25(25)

169-184

EN

This article describes the specific of lustration in Ukraine in 2014‒2016, which was the third successful attempt. This time it was held the institutionalization of the process of lustration of an advanced content: limited opportunities to hold public office for the period of 5- 10 years for the employees of Yanukovych regime, corrupt government officials and former members of the communist nomenclature and KGB agents. Lustration, including in Ukraine, is regarded as one of the institutions of transitional justice model that promotes democracy, although it can be painless and without any mistakes.

9

Režim pamäti a spravodlivá spoločnosť

75%

Kusá D.

Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)

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2018

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vol. 66

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issue 2

235-251

DE

During the transition from totalitarian regimes to democracy, new political systems have had to deal with the shadow of the past, with a wide choice of institutional mechanisms at their disposal. Too much, as well as too little, “memory” has long-term negative consequences for the quality of democracy. This study starts from Paul Ricœur‘s assumption about the role of balance between memory, responsibility and forgiveness, and truth, when building a democratic society. Ricœur’s conception of a just society and its narrative construction, which changes in time, serves as the framework for grasping the regime of memory and its tasks in the formation of such a society. The processes of transitional justice often focus on one of the key elements at the expense of another (for example, on the psychological help to victims at the expense of criminal law). The regime of memory is established in the first stages of the transition by the narrative agents of that time – it is formed by their values and strategic choices. In contemporary times it is interpreted and reconfigured by the emerging generation, whose priorities and values are formed by a different social context and who move and change it. Generational distance allows for a reconfiguration of the regime of memory and space and the possibility of approaching the ideal of the just society.

FR

Au moment du passage du régime totalitaire à la démocratie les nouveaux systèmes politiques doivent affronter l’ombre du passé – ils peuvent choisir dans une large palette de mécanismes institutionnels. Trop de mémoire tout comme trop de mémoire a, à long terme, des conséquences négatives pour la qualité de la démocratie. Ce travail part des considérations de paul Ricœur sur le rôle de l’équilibre entre la mémoire, la responsabilité, le pardon et la vérité dans la construction d’une société démocratique. La conception ricœurienne de la société de justice et de sa construction narrative qui varie dans le temps sert de cadre pour saisir le régime de mémoire et son rôle dans la fromation d’une nouvelle société. Les processus de la justice temporaire mettent souvent en avant un élément clé au détriment des autres (par exemple l’aide psychologique aux victimes au détriment de la responsabilité légale). Le régime de mémoire est établi narrativement au début de la transition par des acteurs d’une époque donnée, et il est formé par leurs valeurs et choix stratégiques. Actuellement il est interprété et refiguré par la génération suivante dont les priorités et les valeurs sont formées par un autre contexte social et qui le transforme. La distance générationnelle permet une refiguration du régime de mémoire et l’espace ou l’occasion de se rapprocher de l’idéal de la société de justice.

10

Prosecuting War Crimes and Meeting Obligations under the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms at the Same Time – the Case of Croatia

75%

Barberić L., Čolak D., Dolmagić J.

Croatian International Relations Review

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2015

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vol. 21

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issue 74

41-61

EN

This article aims to give an overview of how human rights violations that occurred during the Homeland War in Croatia are redressed by conducting criminal prosecution in the Republic of Croatia. Namely, criminal prosecution as one of the elements of transitional justice is essential not only for establishing the accountability of war crime perpetrators, but also as a warning that such violations shall not be tolerated in the future. Moreover, drawing on the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, this article examines how the efforts made by national prosecution bodies to investigate war crimes are assessed by this court. It concludes with the idea that both prosecution of war crimes and protection of human rights, as guaranteed by The Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the European Court of Human Rights, seek to achieve the same goal, i.e. protecting the most basic human rights of the war crimes victims and other individuals.

11

Trust and solidarity at a time of transformation. The problem of so-called Bug River property claims in the case law of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal and the European Court of Human Rights

75%

Kaleta K.

Studia Iuridica

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2017

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vol. 71

91-115

EN

The article deals with the issue of the Zabużanie people’s claims. The Zabużanie people were persons who lost their assets as a result of relocation from the Eastern Borderlands (also known as Kresy) of the Second Republic of Poland caused by a revision of territorial borders after the Second World War. The Author describes the genesis and legal nature of the so-called Republican Accords regulating the principles of assistance for displaced persons and forms of realisation of the Zabużanie people’s claims in the statutory law of the Third Republic of Poland. Then, the author discusses the case law of the Constitution Tribunal and the European Court of Human Rights related to that legislation. He indicates a shift in the case law with reference to the scope of discretion accorded to the legislator in respect of adopting compensatory mechanisms. The author underlines the special role that was played by the principle of trust of citizens towards the state and the law enacted thereby in the Tribunal’s assessment of the adopted legislative solutions. At the same time, the author indicates that the potential of the constitutional idea of solidarity was not fully used when solving the issue of the Zabużanie people’s claims. In the opinion of the author, the idea of solidarity could be an axiological foundation for a policy of transitional justice.

12

History discourses and reconciliation process in post-Suharto Indonesia

75%

Głąb K. M.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2018

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issue 50

EN

History discourses and reconciliation process in post-Suharto IndonesiaAfter periods of internal conflicts and authoritarianism, educational institutions often have to be reformed. However, in countries where education has been used to support repressive politics and violations of human rights, or when conflicts and abuse have resulted in a loss of educational opportunities, a traumatic past and the legacy of injustice can be a serious challenge to effective educational reforms. Prospects for the development of democracy, which usually fuel the program of rebuilding the state and building a civil society, do not often attach great importance to the settlement of the brutal past in historical education. Meanwhile, the coupling of transitional justice and reform of education systems, including historical education programs, can facilitate the reintegration of society, including children and youth in the society, and may involve younger generations in work for justice.The history of 1965-66 in Indonesia, the history of mass killings and the imprisonment of hundreds of thousands of alleged communist Indonesians, was for a long time silenced and mystified by anti-communist mythology. This was created by the authoritarian rule of Suharto. This article examines how the Orde Baru constructed a strong policy of remembrance and how this narrative that labels victims as perpetrators deserving their fate dominated historical politics (history education). This approach is still present in the official historical and political narrative in Indonesia. Meanwhile, showing the history of victims in the history education can be a prerequisite for understanding the process of reconciliation by Indonesians, thus having an impact on the democratisation of society. Thus, historical education is closely connected with transitional justice. Dyskursy historyczne a proces pojednania w Indonezji po epoce SuhartoDyskursy historyczne wiążą się ściśle z pojednaniem w procesie sprawiedliwości okresu przejściowego. Po okresach wewnętrznych konfliktów i autorytaryzmu, instytucje edukacyjne często muszą zostać zreformowane. Jednak w krajach, w których edukacja została wykorzystana do wspierania represyjnej polityki i łamania praw człowieka, traumatyczna przeszłość i spuścizna niesprawiedliwości mogą stanowić poważne wyzwanie dla skutecznych reform edukacyjnych, a tym samym demokracji.W artykule przeanalizowano, w jaki sposób Nowy Ład generała Suharto skonstruował silną politykę pamięci, i jak oficjalna narracja historyczna, określająca ofiary jako sprawców zasługujących na swój los, zdominowała politykę historyczną (edukację historyczną). Badanie pokazało, w jaki sposób to podejście jest nadal obecne w oficjalnej historycznej i politycznej narracji w Indonezji. Tymczasem pokazanie historii ofiar terroru w edukacji historycznej może być warunkiem wstępnym zrozumienia procesu pojednania przez Indonezyjczyków, a tym samym wpływania na demokratyzację społeczeństwa. W ten sposób edukacja historyczna jest ściśle związana ze sprawiedliwością okresu przejściowego.

13

75%

Karstedt S.

Polish Sociological Review

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2009

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vol. 165

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issue 1

27-38

EN

This paper uses (West) Germany as an exemplary case to analyse the formation of collective memories over a period of more than two decades after 1945. It traces the formation of collective memories in the German public through a decade of collective amnesia, followed by a period of regaining collective memories. It argues that the formation of collective memories is embedded in social and normative change, and identifies three causal factors that were responsible for the oscillation between amnesia and memory: the absence of victims in the imminent post-war period, that promoted the ‘myth of innocence’ (Fulbrook 1999); a series of major trials that started in the 1960s; and young elites who acknowledged moral and legal guilt and supported the trials, reconciliation and compensation. Data from public opinion polls covering the period from 1950–1970 are presented.

20

COMISIONES DE LA VERDAD Y EL ESTADO, UN TRABAJO CONJUNTO A FAVOR DE LAS VÍCTIMAS

63%

VARÓN A.

Revista del CESLA. International Latin American Studies Review

|

2011

|

issue 14

109-123

ES

América Latina vivió, desde la época de los 80, uno de los periodos más violentos de su historia. Entre las dictaduras militares del cono sur y conflictos armados en el norte de Sudamérica y Centroamérica, los pobladores de estos países quedaron en medio de enfrentamientos y fuertes represiones estatales que dejaron como resultado cientos de miles de desaparecidos y muertos y otra suma similar de víctimas de violaciones de derechos humanos. La Justicia Transicional es un término reciente del que se empezó hablar en la Argentina, después de finalizada la dictadura militar, con la creación de la primera Comisión de la Verdad, modelo que fue copiado por varios países latinoamericanos. Este artículo pretende analizar cómo estas Comisiones de la Verdad han buscado esclarecer los hechos ocurridos durante el periodo de violación sistemática de derechos humanos y han sido una guía en el proceso de reparación a las víctimas.

EN

Latin America has experienced since the 1980’s one of the most violent periods throughout its history. During military dictatorships in the Southern Cone and armed conflicts in northern South America as well as Central America, the people of these countries underwent strong state repression and violence. As a result, there were hundreds of thousands of missing and dead people as well as wide-spread violation of human rights. Transitional justice is a recent term that was first used in Argentina after the military dictatorship ended and with it came about the creation of the first Truth Commission, a model that was copied by several Latin American countries. This article analyzes how these Truth Commissions in Latin America have sought to clarify the facts which occurred during the systematic violation of human rights and have been a guide in the process of victim compensation.

Refine search results

Book review: Cheryl Lawther, Luke Moffett and Dov Jacobs (eds.), Research Handbook on Transitional Justice, Edward Elgar Publishing, Cheltenham: 2017

Transitional Justice in Relationship to Public Sphere and Civil Society: Theoretical Approaches

A model of strategic preemption: Why do post-communists hurt themselves?

Reckoning with the Communist Past in Poland Thirty Years After the Regime Change in the Light of the European Convention on Human Rights

Polish lustration and the models of transitional justice

Transitional Justice in Ongoing Conflicts and Post-War Reconstruction: Reintegrating Donbas into Ukraine

Reply to Disclosure Scandals in Romania Political Parties and the Romanian Orthodox Church

The importance of lustration in the democratization process of Ukraine

Režim pamäti a spravodlivá spoločnosť

Prosecuting War Crimes and Meeting Obligations under the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms at the Same Time – the Case of Croatia

Trust and solidarity at a time of transformation. The problem of so-called Bug River property claims in the case law of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal and the European Court of Human Rights

History discourses and reconciliation process in post-Suharto Indonesia

„Zabić Indianina w dziecku”. O kulturowym ludobójstwie w Kanadzie i sprawiedliwości tranzycyjnej z Kate Korycki rozmawia Anna Zawadzka [“Kill the Indian in the Child.” On cultural genocide and transitional justice in Canada. Kate Korycki in an interview by Anna Zawadzka]

Post Conflict Peacebuilding in Kosovo. Milestones, Actors and People.

Transitional Justice Models and Analytic Philosophy: Towards Theory

Indigenous Mechanisms of Transitional Justice as Complementary Instruments to State Justice Systems: Cases of mato oput in Uganda, bashingantahe Councils in Burundi and Navajos’ Custom of naat’aani

Set the Torturers Free: Transitional Justice and Peace vs Justice Dilemma in Burma/Myanmar

Odzyskanie niepodległości przez państwa bałtyckie w świetle procesu rozpadu ZSRS oraz następcze rozliczenie okresu sowieckiej okupacji. Wybrane aspekty natury prawnej i politycznej

The Life Course of Collective Memories: Persistency and Change in West Germany between 1950 and 1970

COMISIONES DE LA VERDAD Y EL ESTADO, UN TRABAJO CONJUNTO A FAVOR DE LAS VÍCTIMAS