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EN
The article deals with the prospects of research of history of Ukraine throughout the years of the First World War from the perspective of transnational aspect. This educational approach has been a dominant one in Western historical study nowadays. However, in Ukrainian historiography, it has not received such popularity and influence yet. The author tries to demonstrate research prospects of usage of several scientific achievements of Western historians, depicting the connection with Ukraine in the First World War. In particular, this is the Ukrainian issue in international relations in 1914–1918, the history of Ukrainian cities during the First World War, the refugees from Ukrainian lands, violence during the War period 1914–1918, propaganda. On the one hand, these particular stories and plots from the War time show us the need of additional educational investigations done by Ukrainian historians. On the other hand, they convincingly demonstrate the value of Ukrainian narrative of the Great War, that significantly complements transnational history of this global confrontation since the beginning of the last century. Moreover, it outlines the potential perspective of a large-scale scientific project, namely – the rethinking of Eastern European history of the First World War, where the scientists from European countries would be involved.
EN
Despite of the fact that studies on the topic of “places of remembrance” reached an inflationary number in the last decades, the article argues for the need of new perspectives in this field. They are identified as bilateral and transnational “places of remembrance”, valid not only for a national community but also for smaller communities on regional and transregional levels. With the definitions of the key concepts “remembrance” and “places”, the article strives to sketch out the theoretical background for studies, dealing with specific problems of German-Czech or Bavarian-Bohemian histories
EN
Comparing Prussian settlement policies and the founding of “Rentengüter” by inner colonization around 1900 with the East-Central European land reforms of the interwar period initially exposes very diverse motivational structures behind both cases, which thus resulted in interactions for social, economic and political reasons with demographic and nationalist aims. In both cases, the perception of a social crisis endangering the system’s stability and the proclamation of “national interests” by the reforms’ protagonists played – albeit in diff erent ways – a crucial role in overcoming the resistance of the landowners as well as the restraint of the economic and educational elites against such a massive intervention in property rights. Th erefore, we could assume that – in addition to the unstable situation of the post-war period – long past experiences with settlement projects and/or the perception of such projects have had an infl uence on the design and implementation of land reforms. Even before the First World War, the Prussian-German inner colonization was not the only attempt to strengthen the rural middle class by parcelling large estates in Central Europe. However, it was a relatively early, relatively systematic and – from a socio-political and agricultural point of view – even relatively successful attempt. One could say that the opposing forces (Prussia/Germany and Poland) learned and copied from one another – a pattern well known from research on nationalism. But the German inner colonization had an important role model outside the German-Polish nationality struggle, too. Additional historical research about the details of this cultural transfer is certainly needed. Just for the explanation of the diff erent conceptions of East Central European land reforms, it would be important to learn more about the resonance of the Prussian settlement policy, of the debates on grain selfsufficiency or of the discussion about Germany as an agricultural or industrial state in diff erent parts of the Habsburg monarchy. Th is is especially true for the theorists and practitioners of the land reform movement in the Habsburg monarchy successor states. The adoption of these concepts certainly did not advance by only reading newspapers and books. German universities were important places of study, research facilities for national-economists and the political sciences, there were international agricultural conferences and cooperative associations. Th erefore, a transnational history of land reforms as a central element of the agrarianist ideology and politics is an important task for further historiographical research.
EN
Gruomota: the influence of politics and nationalism on the development of written Latgalian in the long nineteenth century (1772–1918)Latgale, the southeast region of Latvia, has a distinct ethnoregional identity largely due to the wide- spread use of the Latgalian language/dialect. The status of Latgalian as a language/dialect is highly politicised in Latvia today, yet this is not only a twenty-first century phenomenon. Since its inception as a written language in the mid-eighteenth century, the development of written Latgalian has been strongly influenced by politics and nationalism. This is an exploratory paper, which traces the impact of politics and nationalism on the development of written Latgalian throughout the long nineteenth century, a period in which the region was administered by three political regimes (Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Russian Empire, First Republic of Latvia). Transnational perspectives are used to contextualise the development of written Latgalian with the development of other written languages in the vicinity (Belarusian, Latvian, Lithuanian, and Samogitian), and to open up the field for further comparative studies on the development of non-national written languages/dialect. Latgale is a borderland region often neglected in mainstream Latvian scholarship, and by extension, even more so outside Latvia. This paper hopes to go some way to rectifying this. Gramota: wpływ polityki i nacjonalizmu na rozwój łatgalskiego języka literackiego w długim wieku XIX (1772–1918)Łatgalię, południowo-wschodni region Łotwy, cechuje odrębna tożsamość etniczno-regionalna, przede wszystkim z racji powszechnego na tym terenie używania języka/dialektu łatgalskiego. Status łatgalskiego jako języka/dialektu stanowi w dzisiejszej Litwie w dużej mierze kwestię o wymiarze politycznym, aczkolwiek nie jest to zjawisko, które pojawiło się dopiero w XX stuleciu. Łatgalski już od czasu swych narodzin jako język literacki w połowie XVIII wieku pozostawał pod silną presją polityki oraz nacjonalizmów. Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu prześledzenie oddziaływania polityki i nacjonalizmu na kształtowanie się literackiej odmiany języka łatgalskiego w ciągu „długiego wieku XIX” – okresu, w którym region ten podlegał administracji rządowej sprawowanej przez trzy systemy polityczne (Rzeczpospolita Obojga Narodów, Imperium Rosyjskie, Pierwsza Republika Litewska). Spojrzenie na omawiane zagadnienie z perspektywy ponadnarodowej pozwala stworzyć kontekst rozwoju łatgalskiego języka literackiego w odniesieniu do innych języków literackich formujących się w bliskim jego sąsiedztwie (białoruskiego, łotewskiego, litewskiego i semigalskiego), jak też otworzyć pole dla kolejnych studiów porównawczych nad kształtowaniem się nienarodowych języków/dialektów literackich. Łatgalia stanowi region pograniczny, zwykle zaniedbywany przez główny nurt nauki łotewskiej, a tym bardziej w dociekaniach naukowych poza granicami Łotwy. Niniejszy artykuł ma za zadanie choć w pewnej mierze stan ten naprawić.
PL
W artykule analizuję niektóre niedawne próby delegitymizacji antyfaszyzmu zarówno jako zjawiska politycznego, jak i przedmiotu badań historycznych. W niemieckich środowiskach akademickich i poza nimi ten „anty-antyfaszyzm” operuje pojęciami komunistycznego skażenia. Aby przeciwstawić się takim narracjom, proponuję szerszą perspektywę historyczną. Bierze ona pod uwagę wielość antyfaszyzmu, jego różne linie ciągłości i doświadczenia jego historycznych przedstawicieli. W szczególności udowadniam to, badając transnarodową biografię holenderskiego dziennikarza Nicolaasa Rosta.
DE
Dieser Essay nimmt einige Versuche aus der jüngsten Zeit in den Blick, Antifaschismus sowohl als politisches Phänomen als auch als Thema geschichtswissenschaftlicher Forschung zu delegitimieren. An deutschen Universitäten und darüber hinaus bemüht dieser „Anti-Antifaschismus“ die Figur der kommunistischen Kontamination. Um solchen Narrativen entgegenzutreten, schlage ich eine breitere historische Perspektive vor. Diese soll die Pluralität des Antifaschismus, seine verschiedenen Kontinuitätslinien und die Erfahrungen seiner historischen Träger/innen in den Blick nehmen. Plastisch mache ich dieses Argument an der transnationalen Biografie des niederländischen Journalisten Nicolaas Rost.
EN
This essay examines some of the recent tendencies to delegitimize antifascism both as a political phenomenon and as a topic of historical research. In German academia and beyond, this “antiantifascist” current operates according to notions of communist contamination. To counter these narratives, I propose to look at the plurality of antifascism, its various continuities and the personal experiences of its historical agents. In particular, I make my case exploring the transnational biography of the Dutch journalist Nicolaas Rost.
PL
W dotychczasowych badaniach nad „kwestią kobiecą” pod zaborem pruskim dominowało podejście narodowe. Polki ukazywane były jako strażniczki tożsamości narodowej, których nie interesowała walka o prawa kobiet. Aktywność Niemek nie była dotąd przedmiotem badań i informacje o niej ograniczały się do wskazania ich nacjonalistycznego zaangażowania. Ukształtował się więc obraz kobiet obu narodowości żyjących w sąsiedztwie, ale w dwóch wrogich wobec siebie społeczeństwach. Nowsze wyniki badań ujawniły jednak przypadki współpracy. Ich analiza wymaga przyjęcia odmiennej perspektywy analitycznej, a więc odejścia od paradygmatu konfliktu i wykorzystania możliwości, jakie daje zwrot transnarodowy w badaniach historycznych. Historia transnarodowa zajmuje się wszystkim, co przepływa i krzyżuje się ponad państwami i społeczeństwami, a więc także koncepcjami, które aktywizowały kobiety do działania. Pozwala więc szukać wspólnych przestrzeni Polek i Niemek pod zaborem pruskim, które mogły powstawać w ramach pewnej wspólnoty wartości związanej z dążeniem do rozwiązania „kwestii kobiecej”.
EN
So far the research on the “woman question” under the Prussian partition has been dominated by the national paradigm. Through it Polish women were presented as female guardians of the national identity who were not interested in the battle for women’s rights. On the other hand, there has been no research on the engagement of German women and information about it was limited to their commitment to nationalism. Therefore an image emerged in which those women were depicted as coming from two neighbouring but hostile nationalities and societies. However, the most recent research revealed that some cases of cooperation existed. In order to analyse them, however, we need to use another analytical perspective: abandon the paradigm of conflict and instead take the opportunities brought about by the transnational turn in historical research. Transnational history deals with everything that floats and meets beyond the borders of states and societies, and that also includes the concepts that mobilised women to get involved. Therefore it allows to discover common ground for Polish and German women under the Prussian partition that might have laid foundations for a community of shared values to address the “woman question”.
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