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Trade Union Influence in the Czech Republic since 1989

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Trade unions in the Czech Republic have experienced a steady decline in membership and, albeit less markedly, in bargaining coverage since the early 1990s, but much less decline in political influence. An assessment of the extent of their overall ability to influence society’s development requires a division into three spheres: business, employment relations, and the state budget. Strength in one sphere is found to influence strength in others. The development of collective bargaining in workplaces and at the sectoral level took shape relatively early. Forms of political influence developed more gradually, by a learning process, to include a combination of participation in tripartite structures, organising mass protest demonstrations and lobbying MPs and ministers. The relative weights of these elements, and their effectiveness, have varied with different governments and balances of power in parliament.
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International Labour Organization has been established hundred years ago with a purpose to institute mechanisms establishing common standards and certain international regulatory framework in response to the globalization processes associated with growing trade, increased competition between countries, increased migration and capital movements. After the World War 2 renewed ILO has been expected to become important element of the global governance system. Since the last decades of 20th century, new wave of globalization coupled with deregulation weakened both position of labour in the global economy and that of the ILO. As a consequence, increased inequalities and other consequences of spontaneous unregulated globalisation fuelled populist backlash against free trade and liberal democracy. Technological developments and associated changes in the world of business and the world of work call for the renewal of industrial relations, of concepts of employment relationship, tripartism and social dialogue. But like before, possibility of any improvement, including of restoring more equal bargaining position between parties to an employment relationship, lies in effective use of the freedom of association and the dialogue – founding principles of the ILO.
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FROM THE EDITORS

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International Labour Organization has been established hundred years ago with a purpose to institute mechanisms establishing common standards and certain international regulatory framework in response to the globalization processes associated with growing trade, increased competition between countries, increased migration and capital movements. After the World Wart 2 renewed ILO has been expected to become important element of the global governance system. Since the last decades of 20th century, new wave of globalization coupled with deregulation weakened both position of labour in the global economy and that of the ILO. As a consequence, increased inequalities and other consequences of spontaneous unregulated globalisation fuelled populist backlash against free trade and liberal democracy. Technological developments and associated changes in the world of business and the world of work call for the renewal of industrial relations, of concepts of employment relationship, tripartism and social dialogue. But like before, possibility of any improvement, including of restoring more equal bargaining position between parties to an employment relationship, lies in effective use of the freedom of association and the dialogue – founding principles of the ILO. Key
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Ten years after the publication of 'Illusory Corporatism in Eastern Europe', the author re-examines his claim that tripartite arrangements introduced in the region after 1989 served chiefly as a façade for introducing neoliberal policies undermining labour interests. He finds that tripartism still produces meagre results, and that most of what labour has gained has come from better organisation, smarter use of resources, and increased militancy, not from tripartism. While 'illusory corporatism' is sustained in Eastern Europe, it is advancing elsewhere in the world. He looks at Latin America and Asia, which resemble 1990s Eastern Europe, as governments introduce tripartism at crisis moments in order to win labour commitments to cutbacks. As for Western Europe, where many scholars have seen an advancement of corporatism because of the signing of pacts in countries where the traditional preconditions were lacking, the author argues that this corporatism is 'illusory' because pacts are made to secure labour's acceptance to the corrosion of union power and a decline in labour conditions. Standards of corporatism have been systematically ratcheted down. Many scholars see 'corporatism' wherever agreements are signed, whereas an outcome-based approach, proposed by the author in his original article, leads to a characterization of 'illusory corporatism'.
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This article presents the results of the work of the Tripartite Commission for Socio-Economic Affairs (TC) in 2001–2015. To show the effectiveness of the TC’s work, the author’s adaptation of the associational participation scale (Tálos, Kittel 2001) was employed. The result was categorisation of the effects achieved by the TC within social dialogue and a periodisation of the TC’s activity in the research period, which quantitatively confirmed the results reported by other researchers. The article concludes with a discussion about the potential use of results in order to formulate expectations about the future effectiveness of the new tripartite body in Poland (the Social Dialogue Council) and elaborate a framework for comparing the effectiveness of tripartite bodies worldwide.
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The article examines the collaboration between the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and the Polish government in the interwar period. By looking at the creation and administration of knowledge, it focusses on the effects of governance. Building on Bourdieu’s idea of the official as a “social fiction”, on administration as a performative act, it shows how the mentioned collaboration used and created knowledge and how this knowledge did not only reflect reality, but how it also shaped realities. Additionally, it shows how a certain tension between idealism and administration was characteristic for the ILO as an International Organization. Hence, the article looks not only at the negotiated contents, but also at the forms of data and the modes of transferring it, especially by international comparisons. In this sense the article examines the correspondences and reports of the ILO office in Warsaw, on labour standards, and on the 8-hour day as topics by which the newly established nation state as well as the international organisation coconstituted each other. By looking at the transition phase from 1919 to 1926, it also examines the continuities in administrative practices during the state building process as well as after the Piłsudski coup d’état of 1926.
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The plethora of tripartite bodies in postcommunist countries seems to suggest the emergence of an East European corporatism. Analysis of arrangements in Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, and Poland indicates instead the prevalence of illusory corporatism. Token negotiations, non-binding agreements, and exclusion of the private sector demonstrate that tripartite procedures are deployed to introduce neoliberal, not social democratic, outcomes. A path-dependent argument stressing labour's weak class identity best explains these outcomes. East European labour, unlike historic western counterparts, is marked by a weak sense of class interests, disinclination to organize the private sector, and declining support from the workforce, making it unable to emerge as a strong force. It is not labour but the new elites that seek tripartism, hoping thereby to share burdens, conform to European norms, and demonstrate responsiveness to society. Formal tripartism also follows from the legacy of state socialism, giving symbolic voice to the formerly included now headed for exclusion. In the end, tripartism helps secure labour's acceptance of its own marginalization.
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