Search results

1

Zhodnocení valenční teorie volebního chování na základě otevřených otázek ohledně důvodů volební neúčasti

100%

Linek L.

Naše společnost (Our Society)

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2010

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vol. 8

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issue 2

11-20

EN

The aim of the study is to explore the valence theory’s account of voter turnout using open-ended questions which measured the main reason given by voters for electoral abstention. The focus was on the claim of the valence theory concerning the respondent’s expected benefit from participating in an election. Data from five post-election studies undertaken between 2004 and 2010 are analysed. The empirical results reveal that electoral abstention is explained by four key factors. Voters and non-voters differ as valence theory suggests because the latter exhibit less interest in politics, less trust in politicians and parties, less knowledge of who to vote for, and a feeling that voting does not change anything. These empirical results are consonant with the predictions made by valence theory and demonstrate that electoral participation is strongly determined by expected benefits.

2

Rostoucí sociální nerovnosti ve volební účasti v Česku v letech 1990–2010

100%

Linek L.

Naše společnost (Our Society)

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2013

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vol. 11

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issue 1

3-14

EN

The aim of this paper is to analyze the social and class inequalities in turnout in the Czech Republic between 1990 and 2010. Thus, the study focuses on a description of the evolution of the relationship between turnout and key characteristics of socio-economic status: education, income and social class. This research utilizes a pooled cross-sectional post-election survey dataset from the Czech Republic fielded over two decades; and employs standard statistical methods, i.e. contingency tables and convergence models, to analyze change in turnout among population subgroups. There are signs of a gradual crystallization of both social and class inequalities in electoral participation. Convergence models reveal a linear increase in educational and class inequalities in turnout. In the case of income, however, this study finds evidence of a crystallization of income based inequalities in participation rather than a growth in inequalities per se.

3

The Theory and Practice of Online Voting. The Case of Estonia (selected issues)

88%

Musiał-Karg M.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2011

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vol. 29

180-195

PL

Głosowanie elektroniczne wzbudza w ostatnich latach duże zainteresowanie badaczy. Jednym z europejskich, a nawet światowych, liderów w zakresie wykorzystania e-głosowania w procedurach wyborczych jest Estonia. Obywatele tego niewielkiego państwa od 2005 r. mają możliwość głosowania za pośrednictwem internetu przy okazji kolejnych państwowych wyborów. Celem podejmowanych rozważań jest ujęcie teoretyczne i empiryczne wykorzystania głosowania elektronicznego (które jest jednym z instrumentów e-demokracji) w Estonii. Niniejszy tekst nie koncentruje się na wszystkich aspektach związanych z doświadczeniami zastosowania e-voting, a jedynie ogranicza się do analizy danych dotyczących frekwencji w poszczególnych głosowaniach i odpowiedzi na pytanie o konsekwencje zastosowania e-głosowania dla poziomu finalnej partycypacji w wyborach. W szczególności, analiza ma na celu ustalenie, czy nowa forma głosowania może zwiększyć frekwencję wyborczą w kolejnych elekcjach.

EN

Electronic voting has attracted much interest recently. One of the European, and perhaps even global leaders in the application of electronic voting procedures into elections is Estonia. The citizens of that small European country have had the possibility of voting online since 2005. The goal of this study is to provide a theoretically focused and empirically grounded analysis of the use of electronic voting (that is one of the instruments of e-democracy) in Estonia. This paper does not intend to cover all the details of the country’s experience with e-voting. Its coverage is limited to providing data on the influence of electronic voting on the final turnout in certain elections in Estonia. This study investigates the consequences of Internet voting in local, national and European parliamentary elections in Estonia. In particular, the analysis aims to determine whether this new form of voting could increase turnout.

4

Electoral System, Political Knowledge and Voter Turnout- Complex Liaisons

88%

Kwiatkowska A., Cześnik M.

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2020

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vol. 212

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issue 4

425-444

EN

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the impact of the electoral system on turnout, moderated by political knowledge. Following the introduction of the FPTP system to some city councils in the 2014 elections, we used a quasi-experimental design to compare two sets of economically, socially and culturally similar cities, chosen using the Propensity Score Matching method. Data from two waves of a survey with residents, city councillors and local social leaders after the 2014 local elections showed that, despite widespread public debates, knowledge about the electoral system was very low. The results proved that, although the level of political knowledge was higher in the FPTP system than in the PR system, the turnout in the former was lower, even when controlled by political knowledge. However, the joint impact of the electoral system and political knowledge on turnout was mixed, and depended on the method of measuring political knowledge.

5

Partycypacja katowickiej wspólnoty lokalnej w wyborach do organów władzy samorządu miejskiego i rad jednostek pomocniczych. Analiza zjawiska na podstawie wybranych zmiennych

75%

Kubas S.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

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2016

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vol. 20

172-192

EN

The article presents the analysis of two factors connected with the local elections to municipal authorities in Katowice and to the councils of facultative units. The chosen factors: turnout and the number of invalid votes serve as a comparative tool of the attitudes of the local electorate in Katowice. The local turnout and the number of invalid votes in Katowice are primarily compared with the same factors connected with presidential, parliamentary and European Parliament elections, then the article touches upon the issue of elections to local municipal authorities and to the councils of facultative units in Katowice.

6

The influence of the domestic election cycle on the turnout for European parliamentary elections. The case of Poland

71%

Nadolska J.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2020

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issue 4

43-59

PL

Celem artykułu jest zdiagnozowanie przyczyn wzrostu zainteresowania Polaków wyborami do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2019 r. Między 2014 r. a 2019 r. nastąpił wzrost partycypacji Polaków w eurowyborach z 23,83% do 45,68%. Posiłkując się teorią oddziaływania Europy (Europe salience theory) oraz teorią wyborów drugiego rzędu (second-order elections) Autorka starała się ustalić czy to zmiany w postawach Polaków wobec Unii Europejskiej doprowadziły między 2014 r. a 2019 r. do niemal podwojenia frekwencji w wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego, czy efekt ten należy głównie przypisać cyklowi wyborczemu tj. skumulowaniu w jednym roku europejskich i krajowych wyborów parlamentarnych. W badaniu przeprowadzono analizę danych sondażowych (CBOS, Eurobarometr) oraz danych statystycznych, przeanalizowano też przebieg kampanii do Parlamentu Europejskiego. W toku przeprowadzonej analizy wykazano, że w latach 2014–2019 nie doszło do istotnych zmian w postrzeganiu Unii Europejskiej i jej instytucji przez Polaków, które mogłyby tłumaczyć radykalny zwrot zainteresowania eurowyborami. To usytuowanie eurowyborów na kilka miesięcy przed strategicznymi krajowymi wyborami parlamentarnymi miało największy wpływ na zmianę zachowania wyborców. Partie polityczne potraktowały majowe eurowybory jako test poparcia przed jesiennymi wyborami krajowymi, jako quasi I turę wyborów krajowych. Eurokampania była bardzo medialna i koncentrowała się na problematyce krajowej (rozbudowie polskiego państwa dobrobytu). Zapowiedź licznych reform socjalnych przez partię rządzącą oraz chęć wpływu na wynik w „majowej turze” wyborów zmobilizowały ponadprzeciętnie dużo Polaków do aktywnego udziału w eurowyborach.

EN

The purpose of the article is to diagnose the causes of the increased interest shown by Poles in the European parliamentary election in 2019. From 2014 to 2019, Poles’ participation in elections to the European Parliament went up from 23.83% to 45.68%. Drawing on Europe salience theory and second-order election theory, I set out to determine whether changes in Poles’ attitudes towards the European Union led to this almost twofold increase in turnout from 2014 to 2019, or whether this trend was mainly attributable to the election cycle, that is, the coincidence in 2019 of both European and domestic parliamentary elections. My research involved an analysis of survey data (CBOS, Eurobarometr), statistical data, and the course of the European parliamentary election campaign. During the analysis, it turned out that in the years 2014–2019 there were no significant changes in how the European Union and its institutions were perceived by Poles that could explain the dramatic increase in interest in the European election. What had the greatest impact on voter behaviour was the fact that the European election was held just several months before an election to the Polish parliament. The Polish political parties treated the European election in May as a test of support in the nation election to be held in the autumn – as a ‘quasi-first round.’ The European election campaign was heavily covered by the media, and focused on domestic issues (building up Poland’s welfare state). The ruling party’s announcement of numerous social reforms and a desire to influence the result of the ‘May round’ mobilised an above-average number of Poles to take an active part in the European election.

7

Інституційні чинники пропорційності парламентського представництва українських політичних партій

63%

Чабанна М.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2016

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vol. 6

238-249

EN

In political science the assessment of institutional development is an important criterion for determining the level of democratic governance. Therefore, the role of formal political institutions is significant for the functioning of the political system. It concerns the functioning of the executive, legislative, judiciary, and has expression in the mechanisms of mediation between public authorities and citizens. In the article the participation of political parties as such mediators is shown. Political parties, in this context, perform the numbers of functions in order to promote the principle of political representation through elections and parliamentarism. Therefore, political elections aimed at the expression of public opinion may apply as a tool for representative government. Thus, democratic elections and the formation of the parliament can be evaluated according to the criteria of transparency and proportionality of political representation. The implementation of these principles in a democratic political system depends on several factors related to the type of electoral system and those political institutions that affect the electoral process. For instance the representation of political parties in elected bodies depends on the threshold for parties or blocks (in the case of a proportional system), voter turnout and the method of determining electoral quota; as well the number of political parties participating in the elections; and the rights of voters to vote «against all». The article examines the impact of the electoral system on proportionate representation of political parties in parliament during the elections to the Ukrainian parliament (2002-2014). As for the constitutional amendments and electoral legislation in 2004-2014 years, we focus on the type of electoral system, the methods for calculating the electoral quota, threshold for political parties, the number of political parties-participants of the election process, as well as indicators of voter turnout. In order to analyse the proportionality of parliamentary representation of political parties we consider the indices of disproportionality. Overall, the disproportionate representation of political party as a phenomenon is caused by the existence of threshold (in the case of a proportional electoral system) and single-member constituencies (in the case of the majority electoral system). The level of proportional parliamentary representation of political parties in Ukraine is moderate. At the same time, the downward trend of proportional representation is obvious. This is due to the increase in unrepresented voters who vote for political parties that do not win seats. In this regard, we can state that a high threshold helps large parties in the election competition. However, as a result, the disproportionate representation of political parties may rise because of the high percentage of voters whose interests are not represented in parliament. In other words, the essential electoral support for non-influential parties, their overall percentage and dispersion of voters who support political parties that do not pass in parliament, is a factor of disproportionate representation. That is, the level of proportionate representation refers to the total number of political parties that compete in elections.

8

Partycypacja wyborcza młodych Polaków – uwarunkowania i wyzwania

63%

Kądziela A.

Prawo i Polityka

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2019

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issue 9

104-124

EN

The source of this data are reports from international research centers, the Central Statistical Office, as well as national programs and strategies dealing with youth issues. The article also presents the results of a research project coordinated by the author of the article. The study ‚Determinants of young Poles’ election participation in 2019’ was carried out by the INDICATOR Marketing Research Center at the request of Konrad Adenauer Foundation by means of computer-assisted telephone interviews (so-called CATI). 1200 interviews were carried out on a nationwide group of people aged 18–30. The sample was representative due to such variables as: gender, age, voivodship, size of the city of residence. The study was carried out on September 5–23, 2019. The conducted analyzes are a valuable source of information on the political attitudes of contemporary Polish youth, and also indicate the lack of involvement of Polish youth in social and political life and the great potential of this group of voters to influence the election result.

9

Lokalne referendum odwoławcze – rys historyczny i propozycje zmian

63%

Danel Ł.

Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie

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2014

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issue 2(926)

5-19

PL

Artykuł w sposób syntetyczny przedstawia historię lokalnych referendów odwoławczych po przemianach ustrojowych w Polsce. W ostatnich latach obywatele coraz chętniej posługują się lokalnymi referendami w celu wyegzekwowania politycznej odpowiedzialności swoich przedstawicieli w organach władzy lokalnej – zwłaszcza wójta gminy (burmistrza, prezydenta miasta). Sytuacja ta doprowadziła nie tylko do aktywizacji społeczności lokalnych, ale również do angażowania się w kampanie referendalne partii politycznych oraz innych organizacji społecznych działających na szczeblu lokalnym. W ferworze politycznej walki zanika jednak idea samych referendów jako formy demokracji bezpośredniej. W drugiej części artykułu zawarto rozważania, czy politycy (nawet ci pełniący najważniejsze funkcje w państwie) szkodzą temu przejawowi rozwoju społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Polsce. Poddano także analizie propozycje zmian wybranych uregulowań prawnych dotyczących lokalnych referendów odwoławczych przedłożone przez prezydenta Polski B. Komorowskiego.

EN

The article presents the history of local referenda that seek to recall local authorities in Poland following political changes. In recent years, Poles have proven willing to turn to local referenda to enforce political accountability of their representatives in local government bodies – especially municipality heads (town or city mayors). This has led to the activation of not only local communities, but also political parties and other civil organisations operating at the local level. In the heat of political struggle, the idea of referenda as a form of direct democracy disappears. In the second part of the article the author wonders whether politicians (even those occupying key positions in the country) harm this manifestation of the development of civil society in Poland. Finally, proposals submitted by the president of Poland B. Komorowski for amending some laws with regard to local recall referenda are analysed.

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2 Naše společnost (Our Society)

1 Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

1 Polish Sociological Review

1 Prawo i Polityka

1 Przegląd Politologiczny

1 Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

1 Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

1 Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie

2 2020

1 2019

2 2016

1 2014

1 2013

1 2011

1 2010

2 Linek L.

1 Cześnik M.

1 Danel Ł.

1 Kubas S.

1 Kwiatkowska A.

1 Kądziela A.

1 Musiał-Karg M.

1 Nadolska J.

1 Чабанна М.