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Electrum
|
2012
|
vol. 19
149–156
EN
There is a certain difficulty in attempts to describe the period in Syracuse between the death of Timoleon and the coming to power of Agathocles. It was a time of great turmoil and political instability – Syracuse would reappear after 317 BC as a tyranny. This article is a review of the events and causes that shaped the final outcome. The main points of interests are: an attempt to describe a type of government present in the given period, especially the function of the group of the so-called “Six Hundred Noblest,” and the career of Agathocles, an exemplary one considering the political realities of the time
EN
The article delves into the principles of the right to resistance in radical Presbyterian thought. As an example, the author discusses Samuel Rutherford’s political theology, which represents a consummation of the earlier concepts of tyranny and right to disobey that had been formulated largely within the Calvinistic camp. The theology in question became one of the chief arguments in support of the Puritan Revolution in England.
EN
The author illustrates an image concerning the two main struggles present throughout european history. On one hand we have the struggle of freedom against tyranny, and on the other the struggle between liberal tradition and the Neo-Roman concept of liberty, which bring back Quentin Skinner in Liberty before liberalism. This is not only a record of historical movement within XVII century England, in fact, the West is still facing such a dilemma.
Gender Studies
|
2013
|
vol. 12
|
issue 1
52-67
EN
Shakespeare’s The Winter’s Tale features a pattern of violent rebellion that only just fails to happen. Such moments of near-rebellion, best interpreted through the play’s master trope of the moving statue, constitute an exploration of the causes of political rebellion and how best to avert it. Thanks to the close integration of its romance aesthetics and political realism, The Winter’s Tale can be read as a “Mirror for Kings”.
EN
Shakespeare’s Richard III is a warning about the danger of tyrannical political leaders. Richard has no legitimate claim to the throne, but he devises his own way to achieve that goal. All along the path he follows, he leaves a trail of dead bodies. Richard becomes a fratricidal, child-murdering, Machiavellian usurper, who takes delight in breaking nearly every one of God’s commandments. This essay traces the progress of evil in Richard III under the following rubrics: (1) Ambition and The Tactics of Deception, (2) The Erosion of Conscience, (3) The Deeds of a Tyrant, (4) The Return of Justice, and (5) Implications for an Education in Political Theory.
EN
The role of intellectuals in polis. Reflections on Xenophon’s Hiéron: It is well known, although the 20th century has showed it probably in the most visible way, that intellectuals would often like to make a moral influence on politicians and politics. Their eternal dream of enlightened government turns them to the delusion of their own agency in influencing politicians. Following such an illusion as Mark Lilla shows leads them in many cases to support a tyrannical regime. The problem of intellectual engagement and interaction with the authorities is not of course new. We could also observe and analyze it just going back to the Greek roots. In the article I would like to outline the relationship between Xenophon’s life and his reflections as a philosopher on power that he included in Hieron. I also refer these considerations to the present day in reference to Leo Strauss’ interpretation of Xenophon’s ideas about tyranny. Such comparison could be still today instructive for us how problematic is the role of those who, communing with the ideas of beauty, good and justice, want to transfer them to the sphere of the political community. It is this junction of ethics and politics that I would like to address in my considerations, trying to compare Plato with Xenophon and indicate several possible interpretations of the philosopher’s relationship to politics and power.
EN
The aim of the article is to show different aspects of the problem of tyranny. The issue of worthy and unworthy power is connected with the idea of the right of resistance and the issue of legal and moral aspects of tyrannicide. The article highlights the ideas of common wealth and the relation between the statutory law and the law of nature which were characteristic for the whole medieval thought. It underlines the differences connected with the interpretation of the idea of supremacy and the issue of divine prerogative which the person in power was entitled to. The article analyses the notion of “tyranny,” its different types, especially in the aspect of gaining power (tyranny a titulo and tyranny ab exercitio) and exercising it (“soft” and “hard” tyranny).
EN
Written by Russian playwright Asya Voloshina, the 2013 Antigona : Redukciia is, as the author herself refers to it, 'a political satire with elements of poetry and reduction', which recasts Sophocles' title character, Antigone, from an existentialist tragic figure to a political rebel, whose actions of protest become inevitably and ironically performative in the highly mediatised culture of social media influencers and performative post-truth. A radical juxtaposition between the individual and the state, Voloshina's play exhibits deep internal connections with Bertolt Brecht's Die Antigone des Sophokles (1948), which serves as its contextual and analytical entry point. Like Brecht, I argue, Voloshina interprets the tragic conflict of Sophocles' Antigone as highly pragmatic. In her acknowledgement of Antigone's new reality – which simultaneously reminds of George Orwell's 1984 and Suzanne Collins' Hunger Games – Voloshina challenges the premise of the 20th century political tragedy. Her Antigone stands to combat the state-based machine of manipulation with her personal truth. She 'is motivated neither by religion nor by kinship'; for her Creon's law is 'simply a pretext to protest against her country turning into a totalitarian state' (SYSKA 2022: 4); and so eventually she is cancelled out from the history and from the myth. I conclude that Brecht's and Voloshina's plays connect the two centuries together, diagnose their respective dark times, and demonstrate that the cultures of populism produce corrupt moral standards, compromise personal dignity, and cultivate post-truth, all channeled through the role of an autocratic, if not tyrannic, state leader.
EN
This article investigates Pirandello’s adhesion to the Italian Fascist Party by examining articles, interviews, letters, and essays with the aim of shedding light on the political dimension of this choice, so frequently mitigated by the critics, and of showing its relations to the author’s concept of life. Finally, by taking a close look at leading themes in the novel Il fu Mattia Pascal, the article raises the questions: To what extent is this text permeated with ideological elements? In what ways, similarly, does it transmit a view of the world that would connect Pirandello’s thinking to ideas that were mainstream in the society of his time.
EN
The aim of this essay is to confront Hegel’s political philosophy regarding ethical community and civil society with the objective of betzavta, which is an educational method promoting democratic decision-making processes. The concepts of freedom and ethical community were strongly present in Hegel’s Philosophy of Right and later on discussed by Zbigniew Pelczynski (1971, 1984a, 1984b), ShlomoAvineri (1972), Charles Taylor (1979) and Marek Siemek (1995,1998). This article reconstructs these Hegelian conceptsbased on their liberalinterpretations andconfrontsthem with contemporary challenges related to minority rights, conflict of values, decision-making processes and political participationin relation to the experiences gained during thebetzavta workshops.The main problem defined is the question whether it’s possible to reach a consensus in a given society that would conclude with the establishment of ethical community. The general assumption of this article is that because of the impossibility to obtain a consensus on fundamental values (lack of compromise on same-sex marriage or abortion), an ethical community that would secure both particular and public freedom cannot be reached. The clash between subjective and objective freedom can be perceived through the lenses of the classical problem of a tyranny of majority, where minorities are pushed towards a submissive compromise with the rules set by the majority. An experience of theBetzavta Method will also be included in the general reflections on the essence of freedom in political participation and the silent presence of certain members in decision taking-processes. null
PL
Według Karla Poppera Platoński projekt organizacji „idealnej” polis jest projektem antydemokratycznym, totalitarnym i rasistowskim, a prawo, na którym się on opiera, jest ze swej istoty tyrańskie, opresyjne i dławiące godność oraz wolność obywateli. Z kolei, zdaniem Erica Voegelina, ten sam projekt ma charakter terapeutyczny – jest środkiem wychowawczym, który ma na celu przywrócenie ładu, duchowego porządku polis i zapewnienie szczęścia obywatelom. W swoim artykule zwracam uwagę na fakty, które pozwalają porównać propozycje obu badaczy: przede wszystkim to, że obaj zgodnie odnajdują w filozofii Platona wymiar „diagnostyczny”, a następnie to, że dostrzegają też konieczność terapii. Zasadniczo różnią się jednak, jeśli chodzi o jej konkretyzację. W dalszej części artykułu wskazuję na przesłanki, których przyjęcie pozwoliło na sformułowanie tak skrajnych opinii. Ukazuję więc założenia, które wpłynęły na to, że Popper dostrzegł w Platonie tyrańskiego prawodawcę, a Voegelin kogoś, kto leczy duchową kondycję polis.
EN
According to Karl Popper, Plato’s project of an „ideal” organization polis is anti-democratic, totalitarian and racist, and the law on which it is based, is inherently tyrannical, oppressive and diminishing the dignity and freedom of the citizens. On the other hand, according to Eric Voegelin, the same project is therapeutic in its nature – it is an upbringing measure, which aims to restore order, the spiritual unity of polis and provide the citizens with happiness. In my paper, I draw attention to the facts that allow to compare the proposals of both researchers: first of all that both find in the philosophy of Plato the „diagnostic” dimension and that they also see the need for therapy. Basically, however, they differ when it comes to its concretization. In the further part of the article I am pointing to the presumptions, the adoption of which led to the formulation of such extreme opinions. Therefore, I show the assumptions that influenced the fact that Popper saw in Plato tyrannical legislator and Voegelin someone who heals the spiritual condition of polis.
PL
To jest próba namysłu nad wymiarami praktyki lektury na marginesach książki o książkach Heleny Radlińskiej, jednej z najwybitniejszych animatorek refleksji andragogicznej. W jego centrum umieszczam wątpliwość́ co do tego, czy potrafimy jeszcze/już czytać. Kontekstem tych rozważań będzie jakość sfery publicznej niepodległego państwa i towarzyszący jej cień tyranii. Tyranom nie przeszkadzają ci, którzy nie czytają, ani ci, którzy czytają̨ płytko i w pośpiechu.
EN
This is an attempt to reflect on the dimensions of the practice of reading in the margins of the book about the books by Helena Radlińska, one of the greatest animators of andragogical reflection. At its centre, I place a doubt as to whether we are already (or still) able to read. The context of these considerations will be the quality of the public sphere of an independent state and the shadow of tyranny accompanying it. Those who do not read, or those who read in a shallow and hurried manner do not disturb tyrants.
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