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EN
This paper is concerned with the interpretation of the so-called bi-aspectual verbs in contemporary Czech. In the first part, a theoretical account of bi-aspectual verbs in the aspectual system of Czech is introduced and three main areas of the research of bi-aspectual verbs are identified: (1) formation of bi-aspectual verbs, (2) mono-aspectualization process, (3) functioning of bi-aspectual verbs. In the second part of the paper, a simple but efficient method for the analysis of the interpretation of (borrowed) bi-aspectual verbs and a pilot experiment on the interpretation of Czech bi-aspectual verbs are presented. It has been found that the tense of the verb is a very strong factor which influences the interpretation of bi-aspectual verbs: there is a significant tendency to interpret present tense form as imperfective and past tense form a perfective. There are other factors which play an important role in the interpretation of the bi-aspectual verbs. Based on the results, we suggest that these are (at least) semantics of the verb (i.e. the difference durative vs. instantaneous) and subject number.
CS
Studie se zabývá interpretací tzv. obouvidových sloves v současné češtině. První část pojednává z teoretického hlediska o postavení těchto sloves v rámci vidového systému češtiny a identifikuje tři hlavní oblasti výzkumu obouvidových sloves: (1) vznik obouvidových sloves, (2) proces vidového vyhraňování, (3) fungování obouvidových sloves. V druhé části článku je představena jednoduchá a efektivní metoda analýzy interpretace (cizích) obouvidových sloves a prezentovány jsou rovněž výsledky pilotního experimentu zaměřeného na interpretaci obouvidových sloves v češtině. Ukazuje se, že velmi silným faktorem, který ovlivňuje interpretaci obouvidových sloves, je gramatický čas slovesa: existuje silná tendence interpretovat obouvidová slovesa v přítomném čase jako nedokonavá a v minulém čase jako dokonavá. Interpretaci obouvidových sloves ovlivňují i další faktory. Předkládané výsledky poukazují na to, že těmito faktory jsou (přinejmenším) sémantika slovesa (tj. rozdíl durativní vs. instanciální sloveso) a číslo subjektu.
EN
This paper deals with the Italian periphrastic passive and its auxiliaries venire and essere from an aspectual point of view, based on the Czech language. After a short summary of the main differences between Czech and Italian regarding the notion of verbal aspect and periphrastic passive, it analyses a generally expected claim that in the present tense passive constructions containing the auxiliary venire should be translated into Czech with a higher incidence of imperfective verbs than of passive constructions containing the auxiliary essere. This trend should not be found in the simple past tense or in the imperfect tense. The analysis confirms a difference in the present tense, but does not confirm its absence in the past tenses. Moreover, the difference between the two auxiliaries is even more apparent in the imperfect tense.
EN
The present study deals with suffixless nouns in Czech. Two data samples are analysed to demonstrate that suffixless nouns with an action meaning mostly correspond to a pair of verbs with different themes (conveying different grammatical aspects; e.g., skok ‘jump’ < skočit ‘to jump. PFV’ : skákat ‘to jump.IPFV’), whereas non-actional suffixless nouns tend to form a single corresponding verb which uses a prefix to change the aspect (noc ‘night’ > nocovat ‘to stay.IPFV overnight’ > přenocovat ‘to stay.PFV overnight’). This distinction is applied to a third data sample to determine direction of motivation in pairs of suffixless nouns and verbs. The difference between the deverbal and denominal direction is explained by the part-of-speech category of the root morpheme which is shared by the suffixless noun and the corresponding verb(s). The relations observed are modelled as paradigms recurring across the word-formation system of Czech.
EN
The present case study deals with the functions of the Czech verbal prefix po-. Three functions of the prefix are analysed by contrasting the existing theoretical descriptions with corpus data. In its primary, word-formational function, po- modifies the meaning of the base verb (expressing one of the semantic features described as Aktionsart or other meanings; e.g. kreslit ‘to draw’ > pokreslit ‘to cover with drawings’). In its second function, po- derives perfective counterparts from the imperfective verb; here, the prefix is considered to be a grammatical means used for the formation of aspectual pairs of verbs (cf. kárat ‘to admonish.impf’ > pokárat ‘to admonish.pf’). The third function of po- is manifested in the class of determinate verbs; it is a part of the morphological form of these verbs in their (imperfective) future meaning (e.g. běžet ‘to run’ – poběží ‘(he) will run’). A group of verbs suspected of exhibiting similar behaviour as the pure determinate verbs is analysed and attested using the corpus data. Finally, the competition between the prefix po- and several tens of prefixes in Czech verbs is commented upon and the position of the prefixed verbs within word-formation nests is sketched.
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