Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 20

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  violence against women
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
Gender Studies
|
2014
|
vol. 13
|
issue 1
201-207
EN
This paper attempts to discuss the causes of violence against women in India in relation to their body-revealing dress and conditional consent to sexual relations. Historically, women in Indian society have been victims of gender practices under the typical patriarchy. Culturally, women are treated as sex objects and their status is bounded within the periphery of feminine role-relations as housekeepers and pro-creators of generation. Women's education and participation in the workforce are not bringing with them the expected changes in gender stereotyped-ness. Even the work done on gender justice and women's human rights has failed to establish their status as anything more than sex objects. The rampant sexual violence against women is a reminder that the problem is deeply rooted in Indian society. In such a situation we may not be able to avoid considering the responsibility of women. Their body-revealing clothing and conditional consent to sexual relation are significant in provoking men into treating them as sex objects. So we should think about how to bring about a change in gender practices and this should start in each and every family. The family as a correctional institution should teach its offspring about gender equality and their behavior and attitude towards gender should regard the physical and physiological differences between the sexes as minor. This might perhaps be a step towards reducing violence against women.
EN
Violence against women is a serious violation of women's human rights and a significant health issue in many countries. As domestic violence is a subject of high concern in the different countries, there has been considerable research into the topic of domestic violence generally, though there is comparatively less known on health care providers roles related to  domestic violence. Health care providers are usually frontline professionals that victims of violence get in touch with , even sometimes not explicitly. Therefore health care providers’ skills and attitudes are very important when giving  a hand to victims of violence professionally. A special case is Turkey. Where the social structure in Belgium, England and Austria is of an matriarchal nature (in a sociological sense, not anthropologic), Turkey is strongly patriarchally ordered. Moreover, it has a higher level of social acceptance of domestic violence. This paper describes the program in a medical curriculum on violence against women. Simulation which is increasingly being used in health care workers training is used to deliver the program. Standardized patient (SP) methodology is the preferred modality of simulation. SP is a lay person trained to portray a patient in order to simulate a set of symptoms or problems. SPs would have first-hand knowledge, experience and feedback to improve the skills. The simulation program and the experiences of the students acquired during this program are discussed in this paper.
EN
The aim of this paper is to review the possible causes of violence against women by their male partners. The paper presents statistical analyses conducted among male prisoners and draws on selected scientific theories to study the determinants of the discussed phenomenon. The conclusions drawn from the research allow us to draw a portrait of the perpetrator, to identify areas of preventive measures and suggest further research on the topic.
EN
The article is a contribution to the discussion on the possibility of empirical verifi cation of the theory related to the gender sources of violence against women (gender-based violence, GBV). For this purpose the data on the implementation of gender equality in individual EU states (gender equality index) have been compared with the data on violence against women as reported by the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights. In both cases the data were collected in 2012. The fi rst part of the article discusses the phenomenon of violence against women in the context of the GBV theory, which was manifested in the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence. The authors present the GBV concept adopted in the Convention and evaluate the theory in the light of indicators set in order to empirically grasp and determine the social situation in the scope of implementing gender equality. They refer to the concept of the so-called Nordic paradox formulated in the scientifi c literature with relation to long-standing high level of violence in the countries leading in gender equality implementation. The article also contains information on the situation of women in Sweden and Denmark, as well as references to risk factors traditionally pinpointed as the foundations of violence against women, abstracting from the GBV theory.
EN
The article deals with the issue of violence against women as a matter of human rights violation. It deals with the issue of violence against women with reference to the characteristics of domestic abusers and the most common victims women in terms of education and economic activity. The article describes the myths about violence and international institutions dealing with violence against women. To write the article was used qualitative analysis of the sources of literature on the topic. To address violence against women and domestic violence involving different ministries and institutions, hence the need to strengthen the legal and institutional framework in order to recognize women’s rights and their protection against all forms of violence. In order to address the issue of violence against women is an important addition to the national level of interest in its solutions at regional and local level. Providing fast, effective and available to help women at risk of violence and their children is often a crucial mechanism for saving lives of women and children, improving their quality of life and punishing the perpetrators. Despite the undeniable shift in the problem of violence against women in recent years it should be noted that we lack a systematic approach and coordinated provision of assistance to women experiencing violence, as well as systematic primary prevention, ie prevention of violence. It is necessary to enact legislation that will define domestic violence, including all its latent form.
EN
This article explores the philosophical and psychoanalytic trajectories of conceptualizing the Covid-19 pandemic as ‘collective trauma’, and considers what would be the risks, but also productive possibilities, of such a theoretical move. the context of this inquiry is the so-called ‘shadow pandemic’ – the drastic increase in domestic violence globally, which accompanied introduction of lockdowns as a measure of containing the impact of Covid-19 on public health infrastructures. For the women who were victims of violence during the lockdowns, the discourse of ‘sheltering’, ‘isolation’ and ‘staying home’ has carried antithetical meanings to the o6cially sanctioned ones – those were meanings of threat, danger, harm, and death. Drawing on the work of two feminist psychoanalytic thinkers, Julia Kristeva and Jacqueline Rose, and on installations by bio-artists Anna Dumitriu and Flo Kasearu, I argue against notions of the pandemic as an external traumatic event that disrupted societies and communities worldwide. Rather, the ‘shadow pandemic’ suggest that there is a more complex, even intimate, relation between the pandemic, violence, and gendered productions of sociality.
EN
This paper considers how a truth discourse about violence against women was produced with the #JaTeż posts published on Facebook between 16 and 20 October 2017, during the first phase of Polish #MeToo. It applies a post-Foucauldian perspective of dispositive analysis to outline how the circulation of #MeToo (#JaTeż) in social media affected the patriarchal dispositive of gender, which had to give way to women speaking truth. The replication of posts and accumulation of affects in the #MeToo (#JaTeż) network allowed the normalisation of violence against women in public discourse to be countered. Michel Foucault’s work on parrhesiastic and confessional modes of truth-telling is employed to analyse courage and solidarity in #MeToo (#JaTeż), as well as to connect individual engagement in the action with the collective claim for a normative shift in favour of women’s rights.
Ethics in Progress
|
2017
|
vol. 8
|
issue 1
225-240
EN
The paper explores the role of fostering moral-democratic competencies for violence prevention, in particular in the relation to genderbased, intimate partner and domestic violence. Additionally, significant emphasis is placed on the prevention of revictimisation. Violence prevention is framed with regard to the political importance of violence-free homes and intimate relationships for the empowerment of women. The paper refers to the complex situation of women subjected to abuse and the effects of violence on an individual. As a countermeasure, the paper proposes the development of moral-democratic competencies, and recommends the Konstanz Method of Dilemma Discussion® as an example of an efficient method to accomplish this task.
PL
One can often hear Polish politicians saying there is no violence against women in Poland, since Polish men respect their women and women hold a strong position in Polish culture. The conviction rates for domestic abuse in Poland are indeed low, though the attrition rates are high. Every year, for approximately 75,000 registered cases of domestic violence, there are roughly 10,000 convictions. Most of the prison sentences are conditionally suspended. Protective orders or other punitive measures are seldom handed down. There is a visible reluctance on the part of the criminal justice system to punish and correct domestic abusers. One of the reasons is that domestic abuse provisions in the Polish Penal Code (Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code from 1997) criminalises a very different behaviour than is defined in the Counteracting Family Violence Act from 2005. Another, possibly even greater, reason is the culture of sentencing (both in general and of domestic abuse) within the Polish judiciary and the very strong conservatism of Polish decision-makers and society. The protection of family values by legislators and the judiciary is often enforced at the expense of the victims’ right to life and to a life free from violence. This article discusses the Polish system for preventing domestic violence, which was set up in 2005 and the construction and jurisprudence of crime described in Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code. In particular, the question of culpability raises many problems when it comes to prosecution. First, we must compare Article 207 with the definition of ‘family violence’ specified inthe Counteracting Family Violence Act and the Istanbul Convention. Then, I will explain how such an understanding and interpretation of Article 207 translates into the dynamics of sentencing and penal decision-making and the virtual ineffectiveness of both penal provisions (the lack of deterrent effect) and the system of counteracting family violence designed by lawmakers.   Powszechnie przyjmuje się, że art. 207 kodeksu karnego kryminalizujący znęcanie się nad najbliższymi osobami jest formą kryminalizacji przemocy domowej w polskim ustawodawstwie karnym. Jednak czy tak jest w istocie? Gdy Polska ratyfikowała konwencję stambulską (Konwencja Rady Europy ws. zwalczania przemocy domowej i przemocy wobec kobiet, CETS 210) w 2015 r. uznano, że nasze ustawodawstwo odnośnie do przemocy domowej spełnia wymogi konwencji, jeśli chodzi o zintegrowane, kompleksowe i skoordynowane ogólnokrajowe strategie obejmujące środki mające na celu zapobieganie wszelkim formom przemocy objętych zakresem konwencji. Pod względem ścigania aktów przemocy domowej uznano, że art. 207 jest wystarczającym instrumentem prawnokarnym, by zadośćuczynić wymogom konwencji. W artykule przedstawię polski system przeciwdziałania przemocy w rodzinie ustanowiony w ustawie z 2005 r. oraz zarysuję wzajemne relacje między systemem z ustawy o przeciwdziałaniu przemocy w rodzinie a regulacjami prawnokarnymi, a dokładnie to, czy zachowanie stypizowane w art. 207 k.k. pokrywa się z ustawową definicją przemocy w rodzinie. Te relacje bardzo wyraźnie obrazują liczby, które pokazują, że państwo polskie nie jest specjalnie responsywne na przemoc domową, a owa niska responsywność tylko po części wynika z niedoskonałych przepisów prawa, a w ogromnej części z pewnej inercji podmiotów stosujących prawo, archaicznej wykładni znamion omawianego przestępstwa i braku woli politycznej.
EN
One can often hear Polish politicians saying there is no violence against women in Poland, since Polish men respect their women and women hold a strong position in Polish culture. The conviction rates for domestic abuse in Poland are indeed low, though the attrition rates are high. Every year, for approximately 75,000 registered cases of domestic violence, there are roughly 10,000 convictions. Most of the prison sentences are conditionally suspended. Protective orders or other punitive measures are seldom handed down. There is a visible reluctance on the part of the criminal justice system to punish and correct domestic abusers. One of the reasons is that domestic abuse provisions in the Polish Penal Code (Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code from 1997) criminalises a very different behaviour than is defined in the Counteracting Family Violence Act from 2005. Another, possibly even greater, reason is the culture of sentencing (both in general and of domestic abuse) within the Polish judiciary and the very strong conservatism of Polish decision-makers and society. The protection of family values by legislators and the judiciary is often enforced at the expense of the victims’ right to life and to a life free from violence. This article discusses the Polish system for preventing domestic violence, which was set up in 2005 and the construction and jurisprudence of crime described in Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code. In particular, the question of culpability raises many problems when it comes to prosecution. First, we must compare Article 207 with the definition of ‘family violence’ specified inthe Counteracting Family Violence Act and the Istanbul Convention. Then, I will explain how such an understanding and interpretation of Article 207 translates into the dynamics of sentencing and penal decision-making and the virtual ineffectiveness of both penal provisions (the lack of deterrent effect) and the system of counteracting family violence designed by lawmakers.
EN
Research on gender-based violence (GBV) is an important tool for assessing the scale of crime, especially the phenomenon of violence. International studies to date have focused primarily on violence against women. The first of these, IVAWS (International Violence Against Women Survey), was intended as a challenge to scientists, law enforcement agencies and NGOs. Another European study on violence against women was conducted by the FRA (Fundamental Right Agency). Eurostat is currently planning a new GBV study, which is more comprehensive because violence against women and men will be considered. This study faces new methodological challenges. The GBV project covers various forms of violence, from domestic violence to violence at work, online, mobbing, etc. The first stage is the so-called pre-test, and the pilot was implemented in several EU countries, including Poland. Basic research is planned for 2022 in all European Union countries. The basic GBV research tool is a questionnaire whose questions include the intensity of various types and forms of violence against women and men. In the interpretation of the results, especially in an international perspective, attention should be paid to the differences in the perception of violence by victims, as well as in the scale of reporting violence. The differences also concern the causes, forms and consequences of violence. How can discrepancies in the size and conditioning of gender-based violence be assessed? This article presents methodological issues and experiences related to the implementation of these pilot studies.
PL
Badania na temat przemocy ze względu na płeć GBV (Gender-Based Violence) są ważnym narzędziem do oceny skali przestępczości, zwłaszcza zjawiska przemocy. Dotychczasowe badania międzynarodowe dotyczyły przede wszystkim przemocy wobec kobiet. Pierwsze z nich, IVAWS (International Violence Against Women Survey), stanowiło wyzwanie dla naukowców, organów ścigania i organizacji pozarządowych. Kolejne europejskie badanie przemocy wobec kobiet zostało przeprowadzone przez Agencję Praw Podstawowych (Fundamental Right Agency – FRA). Obecnie planowane jest przez Eurostat badanie GBV o szerszym zakresie, dotyczącym zarówno przemocy wobec kobiet, jak i mężczyzn. Jest to jednocześnie nowe wyzwanie metodologiczne. Projekt Eurostatu obejmuje różne rodzaje i formy przemocy, od przemocy domowej po przemoc w pracy, w sieci, mobbing itp. Pierwszym etapem był tzw. pretest oraz pilotaż realizowany w kilku państwach UE, w tym także w Polsce. Badanie podstawowe jest planowane na 2022 r. we wszystkich krajach Unii Europejskiej. Podstawowym narzędziem GBV jest kwestionariusz ankiety. Pytania obejmują m.in. intensywność różnych rodzajów i form przemocy wobec kobiet i mężczyzn. W interpretacji wyników, zwłaszcza w perspektywie międzynarodowej, należy zwrócić uwagę na różnice w postrzeganiu przemocy przez ofiary, a także w jej zgłaszaniu. Różnice dotyczą również przyczyn, form i konsekwencji przemocy. Jak właściwie ocenić rozbieżności w rozmiarach i uwarunkowaniu przemocy w ramach płci? W artykule przedstawiono zagadnienia metodologiczne i doświadczenia związane z realizacją badania pilotażowego.   Research on gender-based violence (GBV) is an important tool for assessing the scale of crime, especially the phenomenon of violence. International studies to date have focused primarily on violence against women. The first of these, IVAWS (International Violence Against Women Survey), was intended as a challenge to scientists, law enforcement agencies and NGOs. Another European study on violence against women was conducted by the FRA (Fundamental Right Agency). Eurostat is currently planning a new GBV study, which is more comprehensive because violence against women and men will be considered. This study faces new methodological challenges. The GBV project covers various forms of violence, from domestic violence to violence at work, online, mobbing, etc. The first stage is the so-called pre-test, and the pilot was implemented in several EU countries, including Poland. Basic research is planned for 2022 in all European Union countries. The basic GBV research tool is a questionnaire whose questions include the intensity of various types and forms of violence against women and men. In the interpretation of the results, especially in an international perspective, attention should be paid to the differences in the perception of violence by victims, as well as in the scale of reporting violence. The differences also concern the causes, forms and consequences of violence. How can discrepancies in the size and conditioning of gender-based violence be assessed? This article presents methodological issues and experiences related to the implementation of these pilot studies.
|
2015
|
vol. XIII
|
issue 3
119-134
EN
This publication deals with the current legal and social situation of women in Afghanistan. The author analyzes the process of formation of the legal position of Afghan women from the moment of the country’s liberation from under the Taliban occupation in 2001. She concentrates on indicating relevant legal regulations and guarantees, as well as – primarily – analyzes the degree of respecting them. Consequently, she discusses selected forms of violence against women which is persistently present on the territory of Afghanistan. The author elaborates on specific cultural phenomena and acts against fundamental women’s rights, such as baad, baadal, the so-called “honor” killings, and punishing women for running away. These points lead to the conclusion that the enacted laws are merely an empty shell and women’s situation is far from stable.
EN
According to the prevailing assumption, the main cause of violence against women isa structural inequality between men and women. That idea is common in internationalhuman rights discourse, widely accepted on political level and enforced by severalscientific studies. The structural nature of violence against women means that it isgender-based violence and one of the crucial social mechanisms by which womenare forced into a subordinate position compared with men. It is a manifestationof historically unequal power relations between men and women which have led todomination over, and discrimination against, women by men, and have prevented fulladvancement of women.Logically thinking, achieving gender equality would lead to the elimination ofviolence against women. Respectively, in societies with greater gender equality, wherewomen enjoy better rights, have a better footing towards men, greater legal protectionand access to power, they also should be less vulnerable to violence based on theirgender. The most gender-equal countries in the world are Scandinavian countries –Sweden, Norway, Iceland, Denmark and Finland.Yet, the recent EU-wide victimisation survey on violence against women (FundamentalRights Agency 2014) produced startling results. It turned out that the highestrates of violence against women (in almost every single aspect, intimate partner violenceand non-partner violence) were reported in the Nordic countries, particularly in Sweden,whereas countries considered traditional and conservative, e.g. the Mediterraneancountries or Poland, revealed a lower prevalence of violence against women. The FRAresults on Scandinavian countries were coined the “Nordic paradox”.The main problem is this: is really gender equality a factor reducing or increasingthe likelihood of violence against women’s victimisation? Is the subordinate positionof women typical of more conservative societies a protective factor against violenceagainst women? And are actually the FRA study results sufficiently reliable to drawsuch conclusions?The first section of the paper discusses the FRA results regarding the Scandinaviancountries and presents it against a larger picture of gender equality indicators. Thenext section examines the possible explanations for differences between countriesoffered by the authors, which are mainly methodological and contextual ones, such as:cultural acceptability to talk with other people about experiences of violence againstwomen, higher levels of disclosure about violence against women in more gender-equalsocieties, patterns of employment or lifestyle or levels of urbanisation, differencesbetween countries in the overall levels of violent crime and drinking habits in particularsocieties.The third section reviews the previous research findings, looking at the relationshipbetween gender equality or women’s status and violence against women. There are twochief hypotheses tested in the studies: the ameliorative hypothesis (violence againstwomen will fall along with greater gender equality) and the backlash hypothesis (ifwomen remain in their subordinate position, men are less threatened and less likely toresort to violence against them). Overall, the studies showed mixed results, dependingon the used measures. Furthermore, most of the them were conducted on the US data,and their application to the European context is doubtful.The final section presents some theoretical explanations from the critical sociologyfield. The three most relevant theories suitable to explain the “Nordic paradox” andthe relationship between gender equality and relatively high rates of violence againstwomen include the variety of patriarchy theory of G. Hunnicutt, the hegemonic masculinities of R.W. Connell and J. Messerschmidt and the symbolic violence ofP. Bourdieu. All of these theories critically frame the use of violence by men as a meansof upholding their superior position towards women.
EN
The situation of women in modern Afghanistan is far for stable. Not only the violations of their basic rights are very common, but also the cruel practices of violence against them, i.a. baad, baadal, so-called honor killings, self-ignitions or proclivity to punish women for zina or running away are often committed. Simultaneously, there are law gaps limiting the effectiveness of legislation, lack of respect for guaranteed rights and ineffectiveness of actions towards protection of women’s rights. Undoubtedly, it is necessary to take further, prompt steps both by Afghan Government and respective non-governmental organizations to protect Afghan women from cruel practices and to ensure their basic rights, safety and the worthy life.
EN
Simultaneously with the entry into force of the EU Lisbon Treaty on December 1, 2009, many of the alleged weaknesses of the mechanisms of protection of fundamental rights are in the process of being addressed: the Charter of the Fundamental Rights of the European Union has acquired binding force; the European Union is due to accede to the European Convention of Human Rights and the Fundamental Rights Agency was established as a European Union body in charge of monitoring the correct implementation of fundamental Rights throughout the Union. When the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU became legally binding in 2009, the Fundamental Rights Agency was the first EU body with competence stretching across the whole Charter. FRA was tasked to provide the EU institutions and Members States with “assistance and expertise”, particularly through the collection of “objective, reliable on comparable information on the development of the situation of fundamental rights”. This paper will focus on a single aspect – what impact the EU enlargement had on human rights through its special agencies. For this purpose, we will take a close look at the EU Fundamental Rights Agency. We will address the issue concerning the role being played by the European Union Fundamental Rights Agency as an advisory body, issuing opinions on various aspects of fundamental rights within the Union on EU’s and Member States’ requests. The 10th anniversary of the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights coinciding with the 60th anniversary of the Treaties of Rome seems to be a good moment to look back at what the Agency has done with an objective and critical eye, and identify areas where it should do more and better respond to the challenges, it faces.
PL
Unia Europejska zapewnia ochronę praw podstawowych, uznając ją za jedną z ogólnych zasad prawa wspólnotowego. Choć pierwotnie traktaty ustanawiające Wspólnoty Europejskie nie zawierały wyraźnych odniesień do praw człowieka, to jednak ich poszanowanie jest wartością wspólną dla wszystkich państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej. Wraz z wejściem w życie traktatu lizbońskiego nastąpiło wzmocnienie ochrony praw podstawowych w UE. Odwołując się do postanowień art. 6 TUE, stworzył on dwie płaszczyzny ochrony praw jednostki: unijną i międzynarodową. Pierwsza ma charakter wewnętrzny i opiera się na dwóch metodach ochrony w oparciu o Kartę Praw Podstawowych, druga ma szerszy charakter i dotyczy ochrony praw podstawowych w oparciu o dotychczasowy schemat, czyli o zasadę ogólną prawa unijnego. Na mocy traktatu Karta Praw Podstawowych uzyskała wiążący charakter. Tym samym może stanowić samoistną podstawę ochrony praw podstawowych w zakresie, w jakim ich naruszenie pozostaje w sferze stosowania prawa unijnego. Przedmiotem niniejszych rozważań jest próba ukazania roli i znaczenia Agencji Praw Podstawowych Unii Europejskiej (Fundamental Rights Agency, FRA), jednej z trzydziestu czterech agencji unijnych. FRA jest organem podlegającym reżimowi prawa unijnego, jednakże różnym od instytucji takich jak Rada, Parlament Europejski czy Komisja, a odrębność ta uwidacznia się szczególnie w posiadaniu przez nią osobowości prawnej. Podobnie jak inne zdecentralizowane organy wspólnotowe, ustanawiane na mocy aktów prawa pochodnego, FRA powołano pierwotnie w celu wykonywania konkretnych zadań w ramach dawnego I fi laru Unii Europejskiej. W trakcie swojej dziesięcioletniej działalności Agencja Praw Podstawowych była i jest traktowana przez państwa członkowskie oraz społeczność międzynarodową jako instytucja wkomponowana w mechanizm europejski, chroniąca i upowszechniająca wiedzę o prawach podstawowych, wspólnej wartości uznawanej i akceptowanej obecnie przez społeczność tworzącą Unię Europejską.
17
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Przemoc domowa wobec kobiet

26%
PL
Przemoc wobec kobiet jest ważnym problemem społecznym. Dotyka różnych środowisk i niestety nadal bywa w wielu przypadkach skrywana przed otoczeniem. Tym bardziej należy zabierać w tej kwestii głos. Przemoc wywołuje bolesne skutki zarówno w sferze fizycznej, jak i psychicznej ofiary. Osoby takie należy otoczyć pomocą, ale warto również zgłębiać wiedzę na temat przemocy. Artykuł ukazuje przyczyny, rodzaje i skutki przemocy wobec kobiet. Przy tej okazji zwrócono także uwagę na fazy przemocy, osobowość sprawcy i czynniki wywołujące przemoc. Wskazano również na formy pomocy kobietom.
EN
The violence against women is a vital social problem. It concerns various environments and, unfortunately, is in many cases hidden from the environment. That is one, it is crucial to speak about it. The violence brings painful results both in the physical and psychological spheres of the victim life. These people should be taken care of, however, the knowledge concerning this issue should be enlarged. The article shows the reasons, types and results of violence against women. Moreover, the phases of violence, the personality of the offender and the factors causing violence are discussed. Various forms of help for women are also presented.
EN
In my article I propose an outline of a comparative analysis of two disciplinary proceedings initiated against students of the Mathematics and Natural Science Faculty of Stefan Batory University in Vilnius, Rywka Profitkier and Estera Tajc, before the introduction of the so-called ghetto benches. Two female students refused to subordinate to the student practice at that time, and did not take a seat on the left side of the lecture hall. Hence, they both listened to the lecture standing between the benches. I will situate my analysis in the context of the events of the entire 1936/1937 academic year, in which the university was closed for almost three months due to the anti-Jewish violence. The sources consist of the documents of two disciplinary proceedings based on events that occurred only one day apart, but most importantly, they took a similar course. However, due to the different strategies chosen by the female students, the sanctions imposed on them for not subordinating to the practice of taking seats assigned to Jews at the time were significantly different.
PL
W swoim artykule przeprowadzam analizę porównawczą dwóch postępowań dyscyplinarnych wszczętych przeciwko studentkom Wydziału Matematyczno-Przyrodniczego Uniwersytetu Stefana Batorego w Wilnie, Rywce Profitkier i Esterze Tajc, jeszcze przed wprowadzeniem getta ławkowego, które nie chcąc podporządkować się ówczesnej praktyce studenckiej, nie zajęły miejsca po lewej stronie sali wykładowej, a w końcu wysłuchały wykładu, stojąc pomiędzy ławkami. Analizę swoją osadzę w kontekście wydarzeń całego roku akademickiego 1936/1937, w którym to uniwersytet był zamknięty przez prawie trzy miesiące z uwagi na przemoc antyżydowską. Materiałem badawczym będą dokumenty dwóch postępowań dyscyplinarnych, których podstawą były zdarzenia mające miejsce w odstępie zaledwie jednego dnia, lecz, co najważniejsze, wydarzenia te miały podobny przebieg. Ze względu jednak na różne strategie obrane przez bohaterki sankcje, które spotkały je za niepodporządkowanie się ówczesnej praktyce wydzielania miejsc studentom i studentkom żydowskim, były znacząco odmienne.
EN
The obligation to counteract gender stereotypes resulting in discrimination against women, including violence against women, was anchored in international law by the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women of 1979. The article aims to demonstrate that although the relevant regulations are of a very general nature, the recognition of this issue in international law allowed the particular instruments which may counteract violence against women to be developed. The international output in this matter may be divided into two key stages – a stage of recognition of particular stereotypes in the case law of international human rights bodies and a stage of development of legal instruments aimed to counteract gender stereotyping. Thus the article attempts to link the stereotypes identified in the practice of the Committee on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the European Court of Human Rights with instruments developed in the most comprehensive international treaty concerning the violence against women, i.e. the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence of 2011.
EN
The author of this article explores the question, what is human trafficking. In order to answer this question, definitions of human trafficking are examined, as well as the causes, types of trafficking, recruitment strategies, and the significant problems in conquering human trafficking internationally. Trafficking in human beings affects all regions and most countries of the world. According to official data, Bosnia and Herzegovina is a transit country, but certain reports indicate that it is becoming a country of origin and destination. In order to exemplify the issue of human trafficking on the concrete case study, there is further exploration of how the law of Bosnia and Herzegovina defines it, and how approachs to this problem. Taking into account the increase of human trafficking in the world, especially among countries in transition, it is extremely important to find effective solutions for the prevention of such cross-border criminal activity.
PL
Autor niniejszego artykułu zgłębia pytanie, czym jest handel ludźmi. Aby odpowiedzieć na to pytanie, analizuje definicje handlu ludźmi, a także przyczyny i odmiany tego zjawiska, strategie „rekrutacji“ ofiar oraz istotne problemy w zwalczaniu handlu ludźmi na arenie międzynarodowej. Handel ludźmi dotyczy wszystkich regionów i większości krajów świata. Według oficjalnych danych, Bośnia i Hercegowina jest krajem tranzytowym, ale niektóre raporty wskazują, że coraz częściej staje się też krajem pochodzenia i przeznaczenia. W celu zilustrowania problemu handlu ludźmi na przykładzie konkretnego studium przypadku, przeprowadzono badanie dotyczące tego, w jaki sposób prawo Bośni i Hercegowiny definiuje to przestępstwo i w jaki sposób podchodzi do zwalczania tego problemu. Biorąc pod uwagę wzrost handlu ludźmi na świecie, zwłaszcza wśród krajów znajdujących się w okresie przejściowym, niezwykle ważne jest znalezienie skutecznych rozwiązań w zakresie zapobiegania transgranicznej działalności przestępczej tego typu.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.