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EN
The article reveals reasons of the voluntarism of Duns Scotus. In his conception of freedom, understood as the freedom of will, Duns Scotus endows will with priority. Will becomes a real rational power, followed by intellect that is a natural power. Then ethical and anthropological consequences emerge to show a new way of understanding man. The reasons of the voluntarism of Scotus are analyzed in their historical context. To return his omnipotence to God, Scotus has to prioritize an infinite and limitless willingness in God, understood as charity. Through his will also man relates with God and reaches his ends in praxis. This means a break with tradition since man is to discover le raison d’être of the things not by his ratio, but by his praxis which directs him and allows him to achieve his goals.
PL
The article concerns the metaphysical problem of divine will as it is discussed in the Leibniz-Clarke correspondence. Its essence can be expressed in the following question: in which way the determinism developed by Leibniz goes along with his doctrine of freedom in action and deciding? Leibniz is convinced that there is no contradiction between these two theses. Clarke is strongly opposed to that view. He is the protagonist of indeterminism. The article is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the divine will in relation to the principle of the sufficient reason. The second part points to some difficulties related to Leibniz's view on determinism.
EN
The text attempts to follow the path that Jaroslav Kabeš, a notable Czech Marxist of the interwar period, took to work out the subjective side of Marxist philosophy in the form of a specific ethics. The article’s author calls Kabeš’ conception an “ethics of the will to transform the world.” Kabeš’ efforts are framed in the article by the “crisis” in Marxism that followed the October Revolution and which triggered a debate on the direction that Marxist philosophy should take in the future. One of the radical responses to this situation was to rehabilitate its revolutionary character by reviving the elements of Hegel’s dialectic in Marx’s writings (K. Korsch, G. Lukács). Kabeš, by contrast, turned not only to the philosophical tradition of voluntarism (Schopenhauer, Nietzsche) but also to the earliest writings of Marx and to Lenin’s correspondence so as to find the stimuli for his project of a materialistically understood ethical position.
CS
Text se pokouší sledovat, jakým způsobem se významný český marxista meziválečného období Jaroslav Kabeš snažil rozpracovávat subjektivní stránku marxistické filosofie ve formě specifické etiky. Tuto jeho koncepci autor stati nazval „etikou vůle k přetvoření světa“. Kabešovo úsilí je v textu rámováno „krizí“ marxismu po říjnové revoluci, která vyvolala debatu o dalším směřování marxistické filosofie. Jednou z radikálních odpovědí na tuto situaci byla rehabilitace jejího revolučního charakteru skrze znovuoživení prvků hegelovské dialektiky v Marxových spisech (K. Korsch, G. Lukács). Kabeš se naopak obrátil k tradici voluntaristické filosofie (A. Schopenhauer, F. Nietzsche), ale rovněž k nejranějším Marxovým spisům a Leninově korespondenci, aby zde našel podněty pro svůj projekt materialisticky chápaného etického postoje.
EN
Political will acts as a key component of the political process, the understanding of the essence of political events and the development of mechanisms for the modernization of socio-political life. The systematization of the motivational factors for implementing political will in decisions of the ruling elite and consolidation of the social outlook within the framework of the national identification process will allow establishing the essence of the determination of the political process, as well as identifying the key problems of balancing the socio-political environment and rationalizing the methodology of public policy development. Of particular importance is the above-mentioned problem within the Ukrainian socio-political space. The complexity of modernizing management institutes, regulating channels of power-public interaction and leveling up the confrontation of social initiatives requires the urgent development of algorithms for the transformation of a political system based on the materialization of social political will and the reconciliation of public expectations with the functional guides of key political actors. A prerequisite for these progressive advances is the theoretical understanding of the processes of practical implementation of the political interests of civil society in political decisions of the ruling elite, which is possible on the basis of studying the motivation of political will as the basis for reforming the socio-political sphere and the driving force of the gradual improvement of the political arrangement of the state system. Understanding the will as a regulator of human behavior and activity is expressed in the ability to overcome internal and external difficulties in the process of the implementation of purposeful actions and actions. It is the will to control the incentive to act and act in accordance with the purpose. Will and her motivation are the most important components of the deliberate behavior of a statesman. If the motivation is primarily responsible for initiating behavior (the formation of intentions), the will is responsible for their implementation. Considering the essence of the concept of «political will» through the prism of the practical measurement of the political process, the extraordinary value in the context of the search for the root causes and the development of mechanisms for modernizing public administration is to prevent the negative phenomena of politics - the centralization of political power and authoritarianization of the political system. After all, the greatest potential and opportunities for the implementation of motivated political will are fixed by the political actors endowed either by democratic procedures or through the form of organization of the political regime of power preferences. As with the functioning of representative democracy of the Western model with the prevalence of the legislative institution and the presidential form of the organization of political power inherent in certain countries of the post-Soviet political space, the implementation of a functional program for modeling state policy is de facto consolidated by representatives of the authorities. In any case, the political will of a separate political actor in the implementation of national policies should not prevail over the collective initiatives of civil society. Only then, representative democracy, based on the articulation of public interests by democratically oriented politicians, will not turn into a state system of an authoritarian type, where the definition of the course of foreign and domestic policy of the country will be in the plane of individual beliefs of one or more political actors. Expansion of the motivational paradigm of political will becomes especially relevant for defining the content of democratization processes in the post-Soviet political space, including in Ukraine. The long process of formation of Ukrainian statehood was accompanied by the arrival of a number of political forces, which were marked by different political views and a change in the constitutional matrix of the organization of political space. However, not always the political will of the country’s elite to form the course of state policy was in the field of national benchmarks of the Ukrainian public. As a result, the dissonance of the political will of the authorities and public institutions has led to political activation of the public and reformatting political power on the basis of popular will. The coincidence of various factors of a subjective and objective nature put the Ukrainian state in front of the choice of a vector for further political development. Challenges are not only in the field of consolidation of public landmarks, but also in rationalizing the administrative and management system and improving the program of political actions of the ruling elite. So, as a general conclusion, we note the following. Whatever the active role played by the will in the activity of a statesman, one can not completely deny that it is determined by a set of objective conditions and subjective factors, the material relations in which a person is. Will, as a driving force, is the concentration of energy that the subject receives from society, a form of manifestation of political activity, which includes the political consciousness and behavior of the subject of politics, and is directed, first of all, to the realization of interests and needs, related to the achievement of power, its maintenance, strengthening and use. An essential characteristic of political will is the ability of a political entity, through the appropriate volitional effort, to consistently pursue its goals and objectives in the field of political life, which involves the development, clear and clear articulation of political requirements and programs, the ability to adjust its goals and actions in relation to certain circumstances. The main motivational factors and at the same time the semantic core of the realization of political will are political values and the installation of social and individual consciousness, the political and legal culture of the subject of political activity. Volitional efforts can be related to biologically determined predispositions of the individual. Along with this, the motivation of political leaders in resolving political problems by volitional efforts is often caused by external factors, which indicates a significant reduction in their role of internal moral control. External motives can drive a policy maker in favor of a solution that will bring immediate benefits, but its long-term consequences will be negative. Therefore, when making decisions, one must always take into account the voice of conscience and think about how one or another solution will affect other people. Ideally, volitional activity of subjects of political activity should be limited not only to moral values, but also to the corresponding rules and norms. Only in this case, it will meet the idea of achieving the public good.
Nurt SVD
|
2022
|
issue 2
265-278
PL
Josef Pieper (1904-1997) to niemiecki, katolicki filozof, jeden z czołowych popularyzatorów myśli św. Tomasza z Akwinu. W artykule podjęte zostało zagadnienie cnoty roztropności w ujęciu wspomnianego myśliciela. Dla J. Piepera roztropność jest pierwszą z cnót kardynalnych, jest „immanentną, istotną formą” dobra, uformowaną na wzór Mądrości Boga. Realizacja dobra musi być poprzedzona afirmacją celu człowieka, a nie jest to możliwe bez cnoty roztropności. Nakaz roztropności jest decyzją dotyczącą działania moralnego, które ma być wykonane tu i teraz. Z natury rzeczy działania te są podejmowane tylko przez osobę stojącą przed decyzją. Według Piepera celem cnoty roztropności jest uczynić prawdę o Bogu i naturze osoby miarą woli i działania człowieka.
EN
Josef Pieper (1904-1997) a German, Catholic philosopher, one of the leading popularisers of St. Thomas Aquinas’ thought. The article deals with the issue of the virtue of prudence in terms of the aforementioned thinker. For J. Pieper prudence is the first of the cardinal virtues. It is an “immanent, essential form” of good, modelled on the Wisdom of God. The realization of good must be preceded by the affirmation of man’s goal, and this is not possible without the virtue of prudence. The precept of prudence is a decision regarding a moral action to be performed here and now. By the nature of things these actions are taken only by the person facing the decision. According to Pieper the purpose of the virtue of prudence is to make the truth about God and the nature of a person the measure of a person’s will and action.
PL
Artykuł opisuje jedno z najciekawszych zjawisk w dziejach misji – powstanie i rozwój stowarzyszeń misyjnych, na przełomie XVIII i XIX w. Początek tej historii był skromny i wiązał się z doświadczeniem prostego szewca, który został pastorem baptystycznym i misjonarzem w Indiach. Jednak wkrótce jego doświadczenie zostało przejęte przez wszystkie Kościoły wywodzące się z reformacji. Cechą charakterystyczną tego procesu była spontaniczność w tworzeniu stowarzyszeń, których celem było głoszenie Ewangelii w krajach zamorskich. Dla świata protestanckiego była to nowość, gdyż w pierwszym i drugim wieku po dokonaniach Lutra i Kalwina jego zaangażowanie misyjne było niewielkie. W relatywnie krótkim czasie stowarzyszenia zdołały wytworzyć własne dyrektywy duszpasterskie, a ich członkowie na misjach zaangażowali się także w projekty społeczne i edukacyjne, ściśle związane z działalnością misyjną. W artykule ukazano także pewne ograniczenia, które były związane z działalnością stowarzyszeń misyjnych.
EN
The present study attempts to describe one of the most interesting phenomena in the history of missions: the birth and development of the Missionary Societies, which arose between the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century. The beginning was linked to the humble story of a simple shoemaker, turned Baptist pastor and a missionary in India but it soon developed within all main Churches of the Reformation. Characteristic of the phenomenon was the spontaneity of giving life to societies aiming at preaching the Gospel overseas. It was a novelty in the Reformation world as the missionary venture had found a difficult ground to develop in the first two centuries after Luther and Calvin. These societies were capable in reasonably short time to develop their own pastoral guide-lines and policy and their members in the overseas missions committed themselves to social issues and educational projects as part of the evangelising project. The article examines these elements and other aspects trying to highlight also unavoidable limitation encountered in the process.
PL
Podstawową cechą antropologii filozoficznej Wolniewicza jest natywizm radykalny. Człowiek zaczyna się w chwili poczęcia, czyli od powstania zygoty. W tym momencie powstają in potentia wszystkie jego główne cechy, te, które go determinują i określają jego tożsamość, jak np.: ekspansja życiowa i sprzężona z nią dynamika, charakter, inteligencja, temperament, sumienie, religijne poruszenie duszy, język, wspólnotowość, słuch muzyczny, płeć, grupa krwi, prawo- lub leworęczność, różne cechy fizyczne (np. wzrost, kolor oczu, kolor włosów, uroda) oraz percepcja niektórych cech natury ludzkiej. Antropologię filozoficzną Wolniewicza cechuje m.in.: radykalny natywizm, nonmelioryzm, tychizm, woluntatyzm, teoria walki, organiczność języka, organiczność religii, wspólnotowość człowieka, predestynacja sumienia.
EN
The basic feature of Wolniewicz’s philosophical anthropology is radical nativism. A man comes into being at their conception, that is, from the creation of a zygote. In potentia, all their main features, which determine them and define their identity, arise at this moment. They include: life expansion and its associated dynamics, character, intelligence, temperament, conscience, religious movement of the soul, language, sense of community, musical hearing, sex, blood type, right- or left-handedness, various physical characteristics (e.g. height, eye colour, hair colour, beauty), perception of some features of human nature, etc. Philosophical anthropology according to Wolniewicz is characterized, among others, by radical nativism, non-meliorism, tychism, voluntarism, organic nature of language, organic nature of religion, human sense of community, conscience predestination.
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