Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Refine search results

Journals help
Authors help
Years help

Results found: 47

first rewind previous Page / 3 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  voting
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 3 next fast forward last
EN
The aim of the article was to analyze the inconsistent votings from the period 2001–2014, that is those votings which revealed inner conflicts or disharmonies in the two biggest Polish political parties – Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform) and Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice). The notion has never been analyzed before, therefore the research presented was of exploratory nature. Inconsistent votings were analyzed according to categories (legislative, personal, control, supervisory, resolution-making, etc.) and, in the case of votings on lawmaking bills, also according to the matter of a proposed bill. Inconsistent votings other than lawmaking were analyzed through a simplified case study in order to determine the reason for the lack of consistency. The most important results of the analysis were the significant drop in the number of inconsisten votings after 2005 both in PO and PiS; the clear division into the governing party and the opposition (however, inconsistency within the former is less common; and the most vital areas of inconsistency. Said areas include personal and ideological issues, European affairs (in PO up until the fourth term of office, whereas in PiS mainly due to ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon), as well as budget amendments (yet only in opposition parties). The analysis of correlation of inconsistencies within PiS and PO shows that the more those parties grow apart politically, the less often there is dissonance within them occurring at the same time.
EN
The article deals with the changes in the Election Code of 2011, aimed at making it easier for people with disabilities to vote. The author gives his support to them, but also offers some adjustments. As concerns voting by correspondence, he proposes to transfer to a later date the deadline for submission of notice of intention of voting, as well as the revision of the requirement of attaching a declaration confirming that the ballot has been filled‑in in person and in a manner guaranteeing secrecy of voting. In addition, the author proposes the extension of postal voting procedures to include other groups of voters. In his opinion, it would be advisable to develop procedures for electronic voting and the introduction of a statutory duty of the municipalities to organize free transportation to the polling stations for elderly and disabled voters.
EN
The aim of this paper is a comparative analysis of the new methods used to organise the 2020 general elections in Poland and the Czech Republic, which were held in the state of the SARS-19 virus pandemic. This paper analyses the voting methods introduced in connection with sanitary regulations in both countries and the scale of votes cast in this way in relation to the total. It discusses and compares the requirements introduced that voters and electoral commission members had to meet on voting day to minimise the risk of infection with the virus. The text shows a number of similarities in both countries in terms of the measures applied to prevent the spread of the virus associated with a personal visit to a polling station. An additional aspect of the comparative analysis of the covid-voting methods in the two countries was a discussion of voting rules for those infected or in quarantine on voting day. Analysis of the data showed that in both countries the alternative voting method, was not very popular.
EN
The article discusses the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Tribunal and opinions of the doctrine on the subject of the introduction of single-member electoral districts in elections to the Senate, the possibility to vote by proxy and correspondence voting, a trial to extend the voting period over two days, and the introduction of limitations concerning the resources used during an election campaign. The adoption of these solutions emerged to meet the expectations of the doctrine, and fulfilled postulates of representatives of the electoral apparatus, in an essential way altering the electoral law, but simultaneously it aroused significant controversies. The Constitutional Tribunal was faced with a difficult task to evalu-ate them from the point of view of compatibility with the Constitution. Its adjudication was in advance doomed to criticism, because the Tribunal could only assume the point of view of a part of the doctrine’s representatives. The analysis carried out in this article enables the constitutional regulations concerning elections to be viewed in a new way.
EN
Points of order may be raised only in respect of “technical and organizational” matters being the subject of the orders of the day or the proceedings in a sitting. A exclusive subject of a point of order concerning altering the procedure for voting is to choose one of the methods of the vote, as provided for in Article 188 paras. 2 and 3 of the Standing Orders of the Sejm.
Decyzje
|
2021
|
issue 35
39-44
EN
The text supplements the article by S. Linder and contains information about research on the primacy effect in Poland. The subject of J. Raciborski’s analyzes were elections to national councils (local government bodies) in 1988 – the last elections before the fall of communism in Poland, elections to the Sejm in 1989 and 1991. T. Żółtak investigated the existence of the primacy effect in the elections to the Senate in 1991-2007. However, the primacy effect in the 2014 regional elections was of greatest political importance. The strength of this effect was measured by J. Flis. Analyzes were also carried out on the effect of a candidate’s position on the party semi-open list in proportional elections. However, this is a completely different issue, as in this case the position on the list is related to the actual political weight of the candidate. In Poland, the relationship of the primacy effect with postal elections has never been studied, which results from the marginal importance of the latter, as well as the procedures used in elections, which prevent a separate analysis of the content of votes cast by post and at the polling station.
EN
The authors present amendments to the acts regulating the functioning of the Polish Sejm, adopted in connection with the COVID-19 pandemic. The introduced changes included, among other things, new regulations concerning the organisation of the Sejm’s plenary sittings. The text analyses in particular the issue of conducting sittings and voting with the use of means of remote communication.
EN
Article 22 of the Act on the Supreme Audit Office sets out the legal conditions for the adoption of resolutions by the Council of the Supreme Audit Office. Pursuant to this provision, the Council of Supreme Audit Office adopts resolutions in the presence of at least half of members of the Council, understood as the number of actual members of the Council of the Supreme Audit Office, at the moment of adopting the resolution.
9
100%
EN
Game theoreticians usually deal with standard voting methods such as plurality voting or approval voting. In reality however, some complicated non-standard voting methods are used. In this paper the voting method and rotation scheme have been presented used by the Governing Council of the European Central Bank (ECB), as it enlarges to accommodate new members of the economic and monetary union. We present game theoretical approaches for analyzing this method and different methods of computing the Shapley value for games connected with voting under such rotation schemes.
10
Content available remote

Większości konstytucyjne — wybrane problemy

100%
EN
Collegial bodies as well as the sovereign make decisions by voting. The adoption of a legal act or the selection of a candidate depends on obtaining a certain majority of votes. The subject of this study is the majority of votes regulated in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The basic types of majority in force in the Polish Constitution are: simple, absolute and qualified majority. The authors present particular types of majority of votes used in votes of the Sejm, the Senate, the National Assembly and the Constitutional Tribunal, but also in elections and referendums. There are as many as eight types of majority required depending on the kind of decision to be made, which results from calculating the majority based on the statutory number of members, and not the actual number of voters. This is a sure sign that the legislator deliberately determined and differentiated the required majorities.
EN
The article contains an analysis of the statutory features of the offense of violating the freedom to vote under Article 250 of the Criminal Code and presents postulates de lege ferenda. De lege lata, it is only punishable to influence voters by using force, unlawful threat or by abusing a relationship of dependence. According to the author, the perpetrator‘s actions should have been supplemented with “deceit”. The proposed modification will ensure greater protection of the protected value specified in Article 250, including against the current forms of electoral manipulation, such as the provision of fake news or deep fakes using microtargeting of voters.
12
Content available remote

Banzhaf value for games analyzing voting with rotation

100%
EN
The voting procedure has been presented with rotation scheme used by the Governing Council of the European Central Bank as it enlarges to accommodate new members of the economic and monetary union. The main game theoretical approaches have been presented elsewhere. That paper considered the Shapley value computed in accordance with these approaches. The Banzhaf value has been analysed and the results compared with the results for the Shapley value.
EN
The author emphasizes the formal equality of the Deputies founded on the provisions of the Constitution. He points out the impossibility of extending the time for speech of non-aligned Deputies over six minutes for the entire sitting of the Sejm. The term “speech” should not be understood as any of the instances of taking floor by a Deputy, but only those in which they present their views on the issue considered at the meeting of the Sejm. Referring to the rules of procedure of the Sejm, he claims that posing questions by non-aligned Deputies during the third reading shall depend the consent of the Marshal of the Sejm. The author also emphasizes that, in the light of Article 45 para. 1 of the Standing Orders of the Sejm, it is not allowed to submit amendments during the second reading by any of the Deputies individually.
EN
The article is devoted to the level of cohesion of parliamentary factions in the first year of the activity of the 9th Sejm of the Republic of Poland. It was assumed that a high level of cohesion renders political factions the most important participants of political competition at the parliamentary level. Low faction cohesion, on the other hand, would result in a transfer of competition to non-formal parliamentary structure levels. Additionally, the hypothesis that the smaller the parliamentary faction is, the lower level of cohesion it represents was tested. In a small group, behaviours of so-called dissidents, i.e. MPs voting differently comparing to the majority of its members, are more visible than in large factions. The research problem was solved on the basis of an analysis of 2323 votes, for which a modified version of the agreement index of Simon Hix was used. It is founded on the assumption that MPs choose between not three, but four options (“yes”, “no”, “abstain” or not taking part in a vote).
EN
In the explanatory part, the author presents legal and criminal measures aiming at protecting election and voting against electoral fraud and other crimes in the Polish criminal code of the 20th century. Because elections are regarded as one of the most significant events in the public life, their protection is of the utmost importance and is a guarantee of their undisturbed management. The prevention of electoral fraud was provided for in the Criminal Codes of 1932, 1969 and 1997. It was most widely discussed in the Criminal Code of 1932, which served as the basis for the Criminal Code of 1997 in force to date. It was given the least attention, only in one article, in the 1969 edition, which indicates the importance of elections in a socialist state. The most serious threat to the integrity of contemporary elections is electoral corruption, including electoral bribery and venality. Contemporarily, apart from criminal codes, criminal sanctions regarding elections and voting are provided for in the electoral regulations and the Electoral Code of 2011.
EN
The article provides an insight into the realignment of voting behaviour of Swiss living abroad after the implementation of e-Voting. The canton of Geneva was selected as a case study in the article as it was one of the first to introduce online voting in Swit-zerland. In 2003 canton of Geneva together with cantons of Zurich and Neuchâtel partic-ipated in a pilot programme, the aim of which was to test e-Voting systems. A year later residents of Geneva were allowed to use online voting system in elections at cantonal and federal level. Subsequently the right was extended to other communities and in 2009 it was conferred on Swiss living abroad. The aim of the paper is to verify whether the implementation of e-Voting positively affected the turnout of citizens under consideration and if it replaced other means of voting. In the research mainly quantitative research methods were used. A statistical analysis was based on data related to voting behaviours of Swiss in period 1999–2014.
EN
The purpose of this article is to answer the question whether the assessment of the degree of social harm of offences against elections can be determined by their hierarchy established on the basis of the systematics of the specific part of the Penal Code. The aim of the study is to show the phenomenon of carrying away ballot papers and to assess the degree of social harm of the act. The reports of the National Electoral Commission on the 2019 elections to the European Parliament and on the 2019 elections to the Sejm and Senate of the Republic of Poland were examined with regard to improper handling of the ballot papers. In addition, the decision of the Supreme Court of 2019 resolving the electoral protest based on the allegation of violation of Article 497a of the Electoral Code was analysed.
EN
The article aims to show the main political-geographic trends of the 2020 parliamentary elections in Georgia. The political systems of the post-Soviet counties are still imperfect and fragile. Although international observers recognised the vote results in Georgia as legitimate, many opposition parties boycotted the parliament for almost six months. It took several western officials to engage in regulating the post-election crisis. The work focuses on analysing turnout and voting patterns pointing to the changes that occurred in the last decade. A geographical study of elections enables one to identify the merits and drawbacks of the electoral process from the regional standpoint. The findings of the work underline the complexity of the election outcomes. While certain legal and political changes bring Georgia closer to European democracies, the country still lags in terms of several electoral/geographical features. 
EN
The paper is a report on the quantitative research of civil activity of women in the Province of Silesia (N = 200). Research technique used here is CATI (Computer Assisted Telephone Interview). The starting point of the proposal is conceptualisation of term of active citizenship and subsequently identification specific indicators that will be taken to represent the phenomenon explored (such as political participation, interest in government, law enforcement, altruism and volunteering, trust in people and institutions, and the use of the privileges of direct democracy).The article shows the importance of this project for development of civil society in Poland and the possibility of change that can be achieved in this way.
EN
Strategic partnership between states is a reciprocal exchange built on mutual commitment. The significance of the United States to Lithuania is unquestionable. However, why should the U.S. care about Lithuania? The emphasis on the U.S. interests and policies allows ignoring the question about Lithuania’s engagement and input into the partnership. Therefore, this article asks how does Lithuania contribute to the strategic partnership with the U.S.? To be precise, does Lithuania support and pledge its allegiance to the U.S. when this support goes beyond the limits of direct responsibilities of strategic partner, or even enters into a conflict with other important responsibilities or interests of the state?
first rewind previous Page / 3 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.