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System partyjny Księstwa Liechtensteinu

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EN
This article elaborates on the party system in Liechtenstein, from its inception to contemporary -day politics. In analyzing the development of political parties in this country and taking into account the current classifications, the author comes to the conclusion that the system should be classified as a two- -and -a -half -party one. The article focuses on the continuity of the system as well as its characteristics: the dominance of two parties; a high electoral threshold for political parties, making it difficult for smaller parties to enter into the parliament; and a system of shared governance of the two dominant parties. These characteristics are the result of, among other things, the voting tendencies of the citizens of Liechtenstein, who are unwilling to change their voting preferences.
EN
The aim of this study was to compare personality profiles of groups of voters varying in ideological and political preferences. A six-dimensional model of personality (HEXACO) and lexical approach to the study of personality structure were used. The results showed that lower Agreeableness and higher Conscientiousness distinguished right-wing voters from other groups. Lower Extraversion characterized the group of voters who did not establish their ideological preferences. The group of centrist voters did not show distinct individuality in respect to personality. Personality traits distinguishing supporters of PiS are characteristic of right-wing voters and traits distinguishing supporters of PO are characteristic of left-wind voters but both groups of voters were similar in relatively high Conscientiousness. The results of the research showed some personality traits which characterized supporters of PSL, RP and SLD.
EN
The migration crisis influenced the internal situation in Sweden to a great extent. Owing to an intensive migrant inflow and a massive submission of asylum applications, the topic of immigration became an integral part of the political discourse. Therefore, a question should be asked, whether intensified migration will cause any visible changes in Sweden, especially in the field of politics and social attitudes towards foreigners. Sweden, until now, has been perceived as a tolerant and open state and society. The aim of the article is to test the hypothesis assuming that there is a correlation between the migration crisis, the radicalisation of the Swedish society and the growing support for the Sweden Democrats, the only anti-immigration political party in Sweden.
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