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Dvojí i v české výslovnosti

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The study examines the pronunciation of Czech /I/ and /i / in the speech of Czech Radio newsreaders. This vocalic contrast has been traditionally described as consisting in duration. The analyses reveal that the duration of the phonologically long /i / is only approximately 30% greater than that of the phonologically short /I /. As for the analysis of formant values, the short /I / appears to lie closer to vowels of the /e/-quality than to its long counterpart /i /. The morphological status of the syllables with /I/ and /i /, as well as the position within an utterance have been taken into account. The results also indicate interesting idiosyncratic tendencies.
EN
This paper will examine rhythmic differences among native and non-native accents of English, and report on a pilot experiment investigating a hypothesized interaction between rhythm and vowel quality. A new metric, % SteadyState, an acoustic measure that quantifies the purity of vowels, appears to capture rhythmic differences that have been reported among various native and non-native accents of English. In the tradition of other recently developed rhythm metrics, these findings suggest a link between rhythm and segmental phonology. Additionally, the perspective gained from this study may be beneficial to learners whose goal is native-like vowel quality, offering an understanding of the dynamic properties of English vowels.
EN
In a sample of 27 speakers of Scottish Standard English two notoriously variable consonantal features are investigated: the contrast of /m/ and /w/ and non-prevocalic /r/, the latter both in terms of its presence or absence and the phonetic form it takes, if present. The pattern of realisation of non-prevocalic /r/ largely confirms previously reported findings. But there are a number of surprising results regarding the merger of /m/ and /w/ and the loss of non-prevocalic /r/: While the former is more likely to happen in younger speakers and females, the latter seems more likely in older speakers and males. This is suggestive of change in progress leading to a loss of the /m/ - /w/ contrast, while the variation found in non-prevocalic /r/ follows an almost inverse sociolinguistic pattern that does not suggest any such change and is additionally largely explicable in language-internal terms. One phenomenon requiring further investigation is the curious effect direct contact with Southern English accents seems to have on non-prevocalic /r/: innovation on the structural level (i.e. loss) and conservatism on the realisational level (i.e. increased incidence of [r] and [r]) appear to be conditioned by the same sociolinguistic factors.
EN
The study investigates sound symbolism, concentrating on vowel quality, duration, and pitch in sound-to-size correspondences. Thirty-one native speakers of Polish were asked to rate presented stimuli on a 1–7 point scale ranging from “small” to “big”. The stimuli consisted of /CVC/ sequences, with all six non-nasalized Polish vowels, blocked in three groups. In the first group, vowel quality was investigated, with duration and pitch unaltered. In the second group, vowel was manipulated to increase its duration by 50% relative to a baseline condition. In the third group, F0 of a vowel was linearly downshifted by a scaling factor of 0.8. The results revealed that neither vowel quality nor lowered pitch significantly influenced size ratings. Vowel duration, however, yielded significantly different ratings compared to a baseline condition. Longer durational values yielded “bigger” measures relative to normal duration. This result is taken as evidence that vowel duration has a relatively more robust effect on perception of size in Polish compared to vowel quality and pitch.
EN
Kiezdeutsch is a variety of German which emerged in in multi-ethnic and multilingual urban neighbourhoods (Wiese 2009: 782). This German multiethnolect shows specific morphosyntactic alternations in comparison to Standard German, for example the usage of bare noun phrases for definite local expressions (Wiese/Pohle 2016) or pragmatically supported light verb constructions (Wiese 2006, 2009). Furthermore, there are a multitude of studies examining the variability on the grammatical level and the ethnographic circumstances of its development (vgl. Kallmeyer/Keim 2003a, 2003b; Dirim/Auer 2004; Keim 2004, 2008; Keim/Knöbl 2007, Paul et al. 2010; Freywald et al. 2011; Hinrichs 2013). However, there is still a lack of systematic investigation into the phonetics of Kiezdeutsch, with the exception of studies by Jannedy/Weirich (2013, 2014a, 2014b, 2014c, 2017, 2019, 2020) who investigated the acoustics of [ç] and [ɔʏ] in the Berlin-German multi-ethnolect. In the present study, we continue this line of research and look at vowel quality and quantity in Kiezdeutsch in comparison to a Standard German variety. Specially, we set out to test hypotheses which were based on auditory analyses alone(i. e., Auer, 2003; Tekin & Colliander, 2010). These hypotheses include that long vowels in Kiezdeutsch are produced shorter as well as more centralized than vowels in Standard German. We tested these hypotheses by means of acoustically and statistically analysed interview data from a group of male speakers for the vowels [iː], [eː] and [aː]. With regards to vowel quality, we did not find any significant differences between the Kiezdeutsch and the Standard German vowels, even though the vowels [e:] and [a:] were produced slightly further back in Kiezdeutsch. Regarding vowel quantity, we did find significant differences between the groups, in that all Kiezdeutsch vowels were on average produced shorter than the vowels produced by Standard German speakers. It therefore seems that quantity plays a more prominent role than quality when it comes to differences between Kiezdeutsch and Standard German vowels.
EN
The study examines the acoustic correlates of sentence stress in Estonian. The data consists of 18 four-word sentences read aloud by nine speakers in answer to three questions eliciting different information structures. The test words include six sets of triplets of words differing minimally in quantity degree. The words occur in three different stress conditions: (i) after narrow focus (the unstressed condition); (ii) as the nuclear accented word in a broad focus sentence (the stressed condition); and (iii) as an emphatically accented narrow focus (used for the purposes of normalisation). The test word is always the third word in the four-word sentence in order to avoid interferences from boundary signals. The potential correlates under study are the following: (i) the F0 range and peak height of the test word, measured in the test words with a H*L pitch accent respectively as the difference between the F0 maximum of the stressed syllable and the F0 minimum of the unstressed syllable, and as the difference from the mean F0 maximum of the test word in the three stress conditions produced by a speaker; (ii) the duration of the test word in the different stress conditions, measured as the difference from the mean duration of the test word in all three conditions; (iii) the intensity range and the maximal intensity level of the test word; (iv) the values of the F1 and F2 formants as indicators of vowel quality; and (v) the spectral emphasis of the stressed syllable of the test words. The above values were analysed separately for the three quantity degrees in order to determine a potential effect of the prosodic structure of the word on the acoustic realisation of sentence stress. The data was statistically analysed with the Systat software package. The classification power of the different parameters was determined, using linear discriminant analysis. The strongest correlate of sentence stress turned out to be F0, as was expected, given that sentence stress is phonologically realised as a pitch accent. From the two F0 values, the peak height was the stronger one, with a classification power of 89%, F0 range permitting to classify correctly 76% of the data. Almost equally strong correlates as the F0 range were the duration and intensity level, classifying correctly respectively 75% and 73% of the data. Vowel quality and spectral emphasis did not correlate significantly with sentence stress. The results also revealed an effect of lexical prosody on the acoustic realisation of sentence stress: the lengthening and the rise of the intensity level were the largest in the stressed words of the third (overlong) quantity degree.
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