Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 7

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  vowel system
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
1
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

The influence of the dark /ɫ/ on the F1 and F2 of the preceding vowel in American English

100%
Furtak Ł.
Lublin Studies in Modern Languages and Literature
|
2009
|
issue 33
91-104
EN
The paper investigates the influence of the coda dark [ɫ] on the formant structure of the preceding vowel in American English. The lateral seems to exert a velarizing effect which is expressed as the shift in the values of F1 and F2. In the case of F1, the direction of the shift depends on its original value, whereas for F2, it is always the same, but its actual extent depends on the vowel. For the two pairs of monopthongs: [ɑː] - [ʌ] and [uː] - [ʊ], the velarization results in the loss of phonemic contrast.
2
Content available remote

System samogłoskowy współczesnych gwar zaborskich

70%
Jocz L.
Rocznik Slawistyczny
|
2015
|
vol. 64
27-48
EN
The aim of this paper is to give a preliminary phonological and phonetic description of the vowel system of the contemporary Zaborian dialect of Kashubian. The analysis is based on the pronunciation of 150 words by four speakers of this dialect. All oral vowel phonemes reported in the older descriptions – /i, u, a, e, ɛ, o, ɔ, ɵ, ʌ/ – have been retained, possibly with some restrictions to /ɵ/ in some parts of the dialectal area. Conversely, the nasal vowels were lost (depending on the position, they split into /VN/ or became denasalized). From the phonetic point of view, there are some recent changes to report, e.g. (1) the loss of fronted and diphthongal variants of /u, ɔ/, (2) the loss of [e] as main allophone of /e/ and its pronunciation as [ɘ̟], and (3) a relatively lax pronunciation of /ɛ, ɔ/. All these changes are likely to be the result of the Polish influence. The phoneme /ɵ/ has a regular length, unlike its counterparts in other Kashubian dialects. Generally, the vowel system of Zaborian does not show any internal dynamics, in contrast to the systems of Central and North Kashubian.
3
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Opozycja */u/ : */uː/ w gwarze Jastarni

70%
Jocz L.
Slavia Occidentalis
|
2018
|
issue 75/1
41-72
EN
The paper is devoted to the reflexes of the old contrast between */u/ and */uː/after labials and velars and in a front position in a word in the Kashubian dialect spoken in Jastarnia. According to descriptions from the late 19th century and the early 20th century, the contrast was preserved at the beginning of a word and in the middle of a word as contrasted with the quantity and quality (with a probable weakening of the first component of the contrast): [u̯ɘ̟] : [u(ː)]. At the end of the word, the contrast was weak and disappeared. According to sources from the mid-20th century, the contrast has been entirely lost in all the positions and [u̯ɘ̟] and [u] are merely free variants of one phoneme /u/. However, an analysis of contemporary material shows clearly that the old contrast was preserved word-initially and word-internally with some cases of simple morphological levelling. Two phonemes, /ʉ/ and /u/, need to be assumed. The current system is strongly correlated with a system documented in the oldest descriptions and could not develop secondarily from a hypothetical system which would merge */u/ and */uː/ to any extent exceeding a free variation in some forms while morphological levelling took place. It seems that the conclusions offered in the publications from the mid-20th century (refuting the existence of the contrast) had an irrational (personal and maybe national) background.
4
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Getting your head around: the vowel system of Modern Icelandic

61%
Gussmann E.
Folia Scandinavica Posnaniensia
|
2011
|
vol. 12
71-90
EN
.
5
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

System samogłoskowy gwary luzińskiej

57%
Jocz L.
Polonica
|
2016
|
vol. 36
191-227
EN
The paper gives a phonological and acoustic description of the Luzino vowel system. The analysis showed evident phonetic changes in the last 50–60 years which are, however, not so numerous and striking as in many other Kashubian dialects. The most important of them are: heightening of stressed *[ɛ] into [ɘ̟], phonetic reduction and identification of unstressed *[ɛ] and [ə], splitting of *[ɑ̃, õ] into [VN], and disappearance of fronted allophones of /u/. The paper enabled also to describe some vowel sounds of the dialect much more precisely than it was done in the past which apply especially to *[ə] and *[ɑː]. As to the phonology, contrasts between all 9 oral phonemes established in older descriptions were retained. The original nasal vowels were, conversely, lost as phonemes and developed into sequences /Vŋ/ with various phonetic realizations of /ŋ/.
6
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

System samogłoskowy gwary Dąbrówki Wielkopolskiej

51%
Jocz L.
Gwary Dziś
|
2016
|
vol. 8
115-140
EN
The aim of the paper is to provide a phonetic and phonological description of the vowel system of the Dąbrówka Wielkopolska dialect. The analysed material revealed the very good retention of the original dialectal phenomena (e.g. the diphthongal pronunciation of *[ɨ], diversity of monophthongal and diphthongal variants of */o/, or two allophones of /u/ conditioned by the preceding consonant). The acoustic analyses provide a precise phonetic description of the dialect’s vowels and revisions to the previous descriptions (e.g. the allophone of /u/ after coronal and palatal consonants is not only lowered, but also centralised, the reflexes of */eː, eN, ẽ/ after palatals are distinct from /i/, the reflex of */aː/ is sometimes lower than [ɔ], but never reaches the height of [ɒ]). Farther, the perceptive and acoustic analyses revealed a – hitherto unnoticed – opposition between the reflexes of */eː/ on the one hand, and the reflexes of */e/ before /N/ and the vocalic reflexes of */ẽ/ on the other, and, consequently, made it possible to discover a “new” vowel phoneme.
PL
W niniejszym artykule przedstawiono akustyczno-fonetyczną i fonologiczną analizę samogłosek współczesnej gwary Dąbrówki Wielkopolskiej. W przebadanym materiale stwierdzono bardzo dobre zachowanie fonetycznych cech gwarowych (np. dyftongicznej wymowy *[ɨ], bogactwa wariantów dyftongicznych i monoftongicznych */o/ czy uwarunkowanej sąsiedztwem lewostronnym alofonii /u/). Analiza akustyczna pozwoliła na precyzyjną charakterystykę głosek gwary i rewizję dotychczasowych opisów (np. alofon /u/ po koronalnych i palatalnych jest nie tylko obniżony, ale również scentralizowany, kontynuanty */eː, eN, ẽ/ po miękkich zachowują odrębność od /i/, kontynuant */aː/ bywa nieco obniżony w stosunku do [ɔ], ale nie osiąga poziomu [ɒ]). Ponadto analizy audytywne i akustyczne umożliwiły wykazanie niezauważonej dotychczas opozycji pomiędzy kontynuantem */eː/ a kontynuantem /e/ przed /N/ i ustnym kontynuantem */ẽ/, a w konsekwencji odkrycie „nowego” fonemu samogłoskowego.
7

System samogłoskowy współczesnych gwar zaborskich

51%
Jocz L.
Rocznik Slawistyczny
|
2015
|
issue LXIV
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.