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1
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XX
National identity is one of the basic and most stable forms of collective identity. For many people it is a core value because it fulfills three important needs of man: the need to belong (rootedness), the need of axiological orientation and the need of respect due to any member of a respected community such as a nation. Two troubles are connected with national identity in present times. First, a strong sense of national identity can lead to ethno-nationalism, xenophobia and conflicts among nations. On the other hand, we are living in an epoch of globalization and international integration, which - in the opinion of many authors - endangers national identity and in effect may cause its loss and replacement with a cosmopolitan identity. The author undermines such views. He believes that strong national identity does not necessarily cause aggressive nationalism and xenophobia. Moreover, he does not agree with the view that globalization processes and integration tendencies will soon change national identity into cosmopolitan identity.
EN
The article is a review of research on racist feelings, attitudes and behaviours in relation to children. The authors focus on research tools used, including Clark Doll Test, Preschool Attitude Measure or Sticker Test. The analyses have shown that the phenomenon of racism and xenophobia is being increasingly raised in the scientific discourse in the context of this age group. In addition, it is emphasized that the concepts of race, religion or social class as key determinants of the place of man in society are unethical and immoral.
EN
The paper is acomparative analysis of nationalist parties in Western, Central and Eastern Europe. The author has chosen as arepresentative sample organisations most often incriminated in neo-fascism and neo-Nazism. The terms have been verified, with the author applying new criteria ofdefinition. In order to exclude or attribute afascist connotation, she has used aconcise description of the fascist doctrine. Referring to its features, she has examined the ideology, operations, relevance and leadership of contemporary nationalist parties. The author has carried out a particularly detailed analysis of the differences and similarities between the revival of nationalism in Western Europe after 1945 and in Eastern Europe after 1989. The process of the emergence of national and nationalist parties in “young” democracies has turned out to be similar, though nationalism does have its various forms and faces.
EN
The article handles the problem of labour migration from Central Asia to the Russian Federation. While underlining an importance of discussion about migration in contemporary politics, there are described characteristics of the region and differences between states that constitute it – Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, their various approaches to migration policy and resulting different scales of labour migration and amounts of remittances as GDP share are also presented. Next, there are distinguished push and pull factors concerning those countries (and the Russian Federation) – economic, demographic, cultural and political. The main body of the paper is focused on challenges which labour migration poses both for sending states and Russia such as economic instability, dependence on external prosperity, frauds and exploitation, intolerance and xenophobia and threats for a consistency of families in Central Asia. As a conclusion appears a statement on insufficiency of current Russian legislative solutions and the new ones are proposed.
EN
The article attempts to define the role of anti-immigrant parties in the political systems of countries in Western Europe, such as: The Great Britain, Germany and France. The author tries to answer the question, whether the far-right parties are a serious threat to democracy and governance. For this purpose, the author conducted an analysis of party programs, promoted ideas and rhetoric used by members of radical groups as: The British National Party (BNP), Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and The Front National (FN) in comparision with the policy of the ruling parties. Likewise the author tried to show some reasons of anti-immigrant extreme – right occurring in Western Europe and the scale of the problem that is the expansion of anti-immigrant groups. He stressed the need to break with the passivity against extreme – right and the need to take action against its activity.
EN
Contrary to what is sometimes supposed, racism is not a phenomenon of the past. In fact, it is one of the major challenges of the present and future in Europe and Spain. Besides providing an incomparable sense of belonging, football stadiums are also an excellent platform to express racist and xenophobic attitudes and behaviours. In Spain, for years many players have suffered abuse and insults, although it is black and ethnic minority players who receive the most harassment. Thus, the problem of racism has increased recently in Spanish football, as shown by the emission of monkey noises toward black players and the use of racist slogans and symbols in the stadiums.This paper analyses the forms of racism and xenophobia in Spanish football, as well as the actions promoted and carried out by various institutions and agents to prevent and reduce these types of behaviour. The aim of this paper is to make a contribution based on figures and reflections on the types of racism and xenophobia in the world of football in Spain. The article is divided into three major parts. The first reviews some concepts of the scientific study of racism and xenophobia, placing them in the context of Spanish football. The second contains an overview of racism in European football and describes the situation in Spain, providing some empirical data about its incidence in recent years. The third and final section presents a classification and analysis of different antiracist reactions, actions and initiatives carried out recently in Spain with the aim of combating racism in Spanish football.
EN
The issue of xenophobia is fast becoming a negative uprising on the African continent with the recent cases of Zambia and South Africa. This xenophobic tendency in Africa is based on prejudice and hatred directed towards foreign nationals, specifically fellow black Africans. Foreign nationals are deemed by the natives as persistent threats to employment security, accommodation and resource distribution, to mention a few. This alien attitude towards fellow humans, and especially fellow Africans, is against the ethic-theological attitude of live and let live, embedded in African communal worldview. Africans are said to be notoriously religious, though African religious consciousness was originally derived from African Traditional Religion, while Islam and Christianity have given further impetus to this consciousness. With African Traditional Religion, God is at the apex of the ontology, and He expects humans to thrive in a mutual complementary fashion with all other beings within the environment. This gives the background to the ethic-theological spirit of live and let live, where Africans are to put the interest of the community above their individual interest. However, with the recent xenophobic uprising on African soil, there is a need for a critical study on the new wave of individualism taken sway on African soil and natives. The purpose of this research, therefore, is to expose the ethic-theological implications of xenophobia for the twenty-firstcentury humanity in Africa.
EN
Alexander Kuprin belongs to the group of social writers at turn of 19th century, who brought up aspects arising from contacts with different cultures, religions and languages on ethnically heterogeneous territory of the Russia. The author of The Duel eagerly used short prose forms, which he enriched with environmental and ethnographic reality, picturing mentality, customs and social problems, also religious and culture differences of other than Russian ethnic groups. In his work we can fi nd portrayals of Crimean Tatars and Greeks, Poles, Polishchuks, Ukraininas, Circassians, Georgians, Armenians, and Jews.
EN
Modern sport in system of social relations of a society which has an exclusive place. It is connected with a number of specific functions which are inherent in it. Formally sports are focused on humanistic values, however, practice of human activity in this sphere quite often shows absolutely other approaches. The society as a whole tolerant enough to accept various deviations in sports which are based on violence, racism, xenophobia, religious intolerance. Formation of the human capital with necessity includes similar tendencies, that , finally, leads to unpredictable consequences. Sport substantially influences process of change of the essence of the human and cultural capital. Negative results of sports activity in many cases create danger in relations between representatives of different nationalities. Sports causes from time social pressure, raises negative emotions and inspires deviant behavior. The biggest sports competitions practically always are connected with the raised risk of social confrontation.
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Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Anti-Immigrant Feeling in Spain

88%
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2012
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vol. 177
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issue 1
39-54
EN
In just a few decades, with the arrival of immigrants from many different places, Spain has become a multi-ethnic society. Facing these increased streams has been a huge challenge to Spanish society. This article examines the evolution of feelings toward immigration in Spain (2000–2007) with data from a country-wide survey. The results show increasing hostility toward immigrants. The variables that contribute most to explaining this phenomenon are competition and threat, both individual (salaries, jobs or welfare resources) and group (national identity).
EN
Despite the existence of official recognition and legislative measures aimed at addressing the challenges faced by the Roma minority in Albania, this marginalized group nevertheless faces adverse and challenging living conditions, restricted educational and healthcare opportunities, and a high rate of unemployment. The objective of this study is to analyze the above-mentioned difficulties within the framework of different forms of exclusion and inequality that form a designated regime of inequality, and to provide an overview of the present condition of this system in Albania. The primary theoretical framework applied in the present work is Sergio Costa's conceptualization of an inequality regime. The objective of this research is to illustrate the universal applicability of this framework by examining its relevance in the context of Roma Albanians. The present research utilizes a diverse range of data, such as reports from international organizations, scholarly assessments, and media reports, in order to conduct a thorough investigation of the unequal system that has affected the Albanian Roma community for the past thirty years.
EN
In this paper, i analyse the components that make up the concept of so-called elements of anti-Semitism as presented by Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer. According to their multi-factorial analysis of the sources behind the development of anti-Semitism in the 20th century, we can distinguish four basic dimensions thereof: socio-economic, religious, ideological and ethical-moral. After a brief characterisation of each of the elements of anti-Semitism, i then juxtapose them with the phenomenon of contemporary Islamophobia in order to attempt to prove that the concept of the authors of the Frankfurt School has a broader and non-uniform dimension; it can be treated as a philosophical-critical foundation for theoretical research in the field of contemporary xenophobias and its sources.
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The paper addresses racism as a key contemporary challenge to safety at football matches in Europe. The hypothesis is that racism does occur in the sports environment. To prepare the paper, press excerpts and scholarly publications on racism were used. To interpret the material, comparative method was used, so as to present the environments that harm safety in sports. The goal was to demonstrate the role of education in fighting discrimination in contemporary European football and the need to care for security culture in football. It is because football stadiums become arenas for expressing political and ideological views, as well as for racist at-tacks. The author points at the role of mass media and public entities in shaping social atti-tudes concerning racism in sports. He also indicates shortcomings in the law and in the activi-ties of the institutions overseeing sportspeople’s and sports activists’ safety. The conclusion is that the upbringing of society as regards tolerance and respect must become a priority in fighting racism in sports. Further research should focus on the education of children and ado-lescents and on introducing costly and effective sanctions for the individuals and entities that violate the rule of respecting one’s sports competitor.
EN
The following article is an attempt to present the phenomenon of xenophobia, on the one hand, as an aversion to everything what is foreign, on the other, as a specific way of feeling which in some sense is a behaviour understood for every man. In this paper, other phenomena similar to xenophobia such as racism or discrimination which have a lot of shared areas with xenophobia as well as their most important mechanisms, were also described. Moreover, the issue concerning community was raised without which xenophobia could not actually occur. The article also includes the chosen examples showing signs of xenophobia, on Polish as well as foreign ground, concerning the latest events related to immigrants and refugees which we can see the most frequently in the media and web portals. The aim of this work was to compare particular fields of study: Security Studies, Management and Psychology in terms of intensity of xenophobic attitude, using self-designed questionnaire consisting of 21 statements in total. According to predictions, it turned out that Security Studies students indicate the strongest xenophobic attitudes in all three aspects: ethnic, religious and homosexual, while Psychology students the weakest. However, Management students were placed each time between Security Studies and Psychology students. Most probably the field of study is linked with the intensity of xenophobic attitude. Security Studies students will more often pay attention to something what is strange, untypical as well as threatening in surroundings in order to minimize the possible danger. Psychology students learn the acceptance conduct, not to judge on the basis of fragmentary information which very often requires devoting time and other sources. Security Studies students often cannot afford to do this.
PL
The purpose of this article is to defi ne the features of discrimination against the Romani people in Ukrainian online newspapers on the example of one newsbreak. The necessity of such work was entailed by a frequent use of hate speech and discrimination of the Romani community in Ukraine. Special attention is paid to methods of the media manipulation and their implementation. Some representative feedback under the articles has also been considered. Consideration of the online newspapers in terms of hate speech and ethnic stereotypes functioning can be an eff ective way to formulate linguistic expertise criteria and implementation of language of tolerance.
EN
Though in many ways the most unusual US president ever elected, both in experience and in character, Donald Trump is not entirely sui generis. This article strives to show that in some respects he is in the American tradition, as evidenced by his continuity with some classic American literary works. Characteristics which Trump shares with the American literary tradition include religiosity; egalitarianism, and its corollaries including anti-expertise, braggadocio, self-assurance and self-reliance; insularity and xenophobia; and American exceptionalism.
EN
A Discursive Image of the Refugee: A Case Study from the Municipal Election Campaign in PolandThis article presents a discursive image of the refugee which emerges from comments of Polish Facebook users. The author applies a detailed case study method to analyse several comments on an electoral campaign spot published by one of the candidates for the Mayor of Warsaw, Patryk Jaki. Specialised institutions and organisations considered it a case of xenophobic hate speech. Using analytical tools of Critical Discourse Analysis, the article deconstructs two positions emerging in the discussion: pro- and anti-refugee. A close examination of these two standpoints reveals not only differences but also similarities between them. It seems that one feature they share is the perception of refugees’ (lack of) agency. Dyskursywny obraz uchodźcy – studium przypadku samorządowej kampanii wyborczej w PolsceNiniejszy artykuł poświęcony jest badaniu dyskursywnego obrazu „uchodźcy”, jaki rysuje się na podstawie analizy komentarzy polskich użytkowników i użytkowniczek Facebooka. W badaniu zastosowano metodę bardzo szczegółowego case study wypowiedzi, jakie pojawiły się w związku ze spotem wyborczym jednego z kandydatów na prezydenta Warszawy, Patryka Jakiego, którego publikacja uznana została przez organizacje zajmujące się tematem za przejaw mowy nienawiści wobec uchodźców i uchodźczyń. Narzędziem analizy była Krytyczna Analiza Dyskursu. Celem artykułu jest w szczególności dekonstrukcja dwóch rysujących się w tej dyskusji stanowisk określonych pomocniczo mianem „pro-” i „antyuchodźczego” – przyjrzenie się temu, na czym polegają różnice pomiędzy nimi, oraz, co bardziej istotne, w jakich aspektach wykazują podobieństwa i zbieżności. Tych drugich doszukać się można między innymi w tym, w jaki sposób kształtuje się w analizowanych ramach dyskursywnych kwestia (braku) sprawczości uchodźców.
EN
The paper will present the key assumptions of the National Programme for Counteracting Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance in Poland in 2004–2009. This programme was developed as a response of the Polish authorities to the resolutions of the Durban Conference. Assumptions of the Polish Government underwent evaluation and control by the Commission on National and Ethnic Minorities of the Polish Parliament. In 2010, the Polish Government favourably evaluated its implementation. Members of the Polish Parliament, national minorities and non-governmental organisations participating in this programme were of the opinion that accomplishments and outcomes of the programme were modest, whereas elimination of hate speech, particularly in politics, popular culture and sports, would be difficult without a clear and reliable support from mass media, institutions, citizens and authorities at all levels.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono podstawowe założenia Krajowego programu zapobiegania dyskryminacji rasowej, ksenofobii i związanej z nimi nietolerancji w Polsce w latach 2004–2009. Program powstał jako odpowiedź polskich władz na postanowienia Konferencji w Durbanie. Rząd polski w 2010 roku ocenił pozytywnie jego realizację. Założenia rządowe zostały poddane ocenie i kontroli sejmowej Komisji Mniejszości Narodowych i Etnicznych. Posłowie, mniejszości narodowe oraz uczestniczące w programie organizacje pozarządowe uważali, że dokonania i rezultaty są skromne, a bez wyraźnego i rzetelnego wsparcia mediów, instytucji, obywateli i władzy na wszystkich szczeblach trudno będzie wyeliminować mowę nienawiści przede wszystkim w polityce, kulturze popularnej i sporcie.
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The economic crisis began in France in the second half of 1930. It reached its peak in 1934 and 1935 and resulted in a very high unemployment rate. To cope with these difficulties, the French government decided to protect French workers by limiting the number of foreign workers. The Poles had to return to their country under increasingly restrictive conditions. Woe betide strikers, union members and communists. The number of Poles fell by 17% between 1931 and 1936. After the respite provided by the Front Populaire, which was more concerned about foreign workers, the Poles lived in fear of having to leave France. The most politically committed joined the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War.
PL
Wśród wielu kryzysów trapiących Unię Europejską na szczególną uwagę zasługuje przebieg i konsekwencje kryzysu migracyjnego zapoczątkowanego w 2015 roku. Zwrócić należy uwagę na takie kwestie jak: – kryzys migracyjny jest wyrazem wewnętrznej słabości UE, gdyż go nie przewidziano, skutecznie zneutralizowano i odpowiednio zarządzono; – kryzys migracyjny skutkuje podziałem wewnątrz UE; – doprowadził do wewnętrznych kryzysów polityczno-społecznych w wielu państwach UE; – zaowocował dalekosiężnymi skutkami (m.in. wzrost populizmu i ksenofobii, podziały na linii Wschód–Zachód Europy).
EN
Among the many crises tormenting the Old Continent, the course and consequences of the migration crisis that began in 2015 are particularly noteworthy. There following issues should be highlighted: – the migration crisis manifests the internal weakness of the EU, since it has not been predicted, effectively neutralized nor managed properly; – the migration crisis has produced a division inside the EU; – the migration crisis has led to internal political and social crises in many EU countries; – the migration crisis has produced far-reaching outcomes (such as increased populism and xenophobia, division of Europe into the East and the West).
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