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PL
W niniejszym artykule mniejszość niemiecka, a właściwie działalność Towarzystwa Społeczno-Kulturalnego Niemców na Śląsku Opolskim została przedstawiona jako modelowa. Organizacja, choć partią polityczną nie jest, działa jak organizacja tego typu. Od początku jej działalności, wraz ze zmieniającymi się warunkami, jej rola ulegała przeobrażeniom. Zawsze jednak wykazywała, obok dbałości o własne specyficzne interesy, troskę o wspólne dobro regionu i jego mieszkańców, niezależnie od pochodzenia narodowościowego. W owym regionie pogranicza przedstawiciele grupy odnoszą dość duże sukcesy w rywalizacji politycznej. Największe tam, gdzie koncentracja tożsamości i interesów jest największa – na poziomie lokalnym. Obserwuje się jednocześnie brak jednoznacznej orientacji TSKN - politycznej bądź kulturalno-społecznej, co być może jest jedną z przyczyn powoli słabnącej aktywności grupy.
EN
In this article, the German minority, and in fact activity of The German Minority SocioCultural Society in the Opole Silesia has been presented as a model. Although it is not a political party, it acts as the organization of this type. Within this border region, its representatives are quite successful in political competition - especially in areas where the concentration of the identity and interests is the most noticeable (due to strength and intensity) and therefore the most significant - at the local level.
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EN
The aim of the article is to show how positive discrimination works on the example of national minorities and corroborate the thesis that national minorities form their political expressions, both on the central and local political scene, through non-party forms. The article focuses on the local and national political activity of four national minorities: German, Belarusian, Lithuanian, and Ukrainian. The first two manifest the greatest activity on the central, regional and local level. They also have a relatively firm, though evolving electorate. Nevertheless, the results of their activity, especially on the local level, are considerably different.
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EN
There is no doubt that the border is a place of power – a local authority. In its essence it involves the existence of a distinct interest in forming a borderland community. This interest is reflected in the institutional form of local government, under which the local authority is exercised. Borderland is always a political force and determines the specificity of power in a given area, often determining systemic solutions in the country. It is obvious that a large role is played by the border strength with which they articulated their needs and the general conditions of political organization within which it operates (system, historical traditions, etc.). In the radically different circumstances, the local government operates in ethnically homogenous Poland. It’s not the borderland who has forced decentralization and the need for efficient governance of new political conditions. The needs of the Borderland, at first loudly articulated, have been met mostly by legislation protecting ethnic and national minorities. However, of significance is the example of the Silesian Autonomy Movement as the identity of the Borderland, which is still not satisfied with his own status. Within the framework of the homogeneous state, there are many opportunities for the borderland to participate in the exercise of local authority. Although the administrative division takes into account the principle of diversity of socio- cultural variety of the country, the administration is a standardized, three-tier system that coexists with government in the area. Each level has a decision-making council or Regional Council in the province and a Board as an executive body. The councils, the Regional Councils and the executive authorities in the municipalities are elected by the local community. Similarly, the tasks are divided equally and harmonized powers, and rules governing the relationship between the administrations in all directions. There is no hierarchical subordination here, the activity is under the protection of the courts of general jurisdiction and is subject to the administrative jurisdiction. The control and supervision of the activities are intended only to verify compliance with the law.
EN
The author undertakes to discuss the problem of rivalry strategies of political parties in elections to the Citizens’ Assembly of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg. The broadness and multidimensional character of the subject area requires moving beyond the limits of political science and entering other related domains, like broadly-conceived historical sciences, also reaching for a number of establishments within legal-historical domains. Firmly grounded historical, legal, polity-related and political aspects of the unification of Germany in the context of German federalism, encouraged and obligated the author, to attempt to bring the above problem up to date. I think that thanks to a broader analysis of elections to the Hamburg Citizens’ Assembly over the last 50 years, the real state of the problem area can acquire a fuller context, with an emphasis on the foundations of local government functioning. To prepare this paper I made use of Polish and German sources published by Polish, American and German researchers. Polish and German literature offered a valuable source to become acquainted with the history and the foreseeable future of Hamburg’s local government, in particular – the assumptions behind territorial and functional reforms, the evolution of which we have been able to follow in the Federal Republic of Germany since the 1970s.
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