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1

„Wracają czasy Krzyża i Szabli”. Narodowo-radykalna krucjata przeciwko materializmowi. Myśl polityczna Mariana Reutta (1907–1945) w latach trzydziestych XX wieku

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Meller A.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
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2012
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vol. 34
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issue 3
7-47
EN
The paper analyzes the intellectual achievements of Marian Reutt, one of the most import­ant personalities of the Polish pre-war national radicalism. He was the first person to translate the works of the Russian historiosopher Nikolai Berdyaev into Polish. The author begins with the presentation of the basic facts from Reutt’s biography; in further parts the analysis of his polit­ical thought is conducted. The article focuses primarily upon demonstrating the historiosophic, political-and-legal and economic conceptions developed by Reutt. It should be remarked that, as far as social-and-political thought was concerned, Marian Reutt’s ideas were not much different from the proposals advocated by National Radical Movement “Phalanx” with which he was closely connected for the prevailing amount of time. What possibly made him different from other activists was his fascination with the Middle Ages which was probably caused by two factors. First, he con­sidered this period in the development of Latin civilization to be the time of the primacy of spirit over matter. Second, according to Reutt’s somewhat doubtful view, it was a period of centralism and economic statism.
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Obóz narodowy w obliczu dwóch totalitaryzmów, pod red. Rafała Sieruchuły, Wydawnictwo IPN, Warszawa 2010, ss. 283

100%
Meller A.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2010
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vol. 26
188-195
3
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Za północnym kordonem. Prusy Wschodnie w myśli politycznej polskiego obozu narodowego w latach 1918-1939

100%
Meller A.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2010
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issue 1(13)
189-211
EN
This article focuses on the question of Eastern Prussia in Polish national camp political thought of the the frist half of the 20th century. The author presents disparity between the presence of Eastern Prussia in publications of national camp and the historical and strategic meaning Prussia for Poland.
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Endecki hungarofil – przypadek Karola Stefana Frycza (1910–1942)

100%
Meller A.
Rocznik Towarzystwa Naukowego Płockiego
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2018
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vol. 10
359-379
EN
The focus of this article is on the attitude to Hungary and Hungarians, assumed by Karol Stefan Frycz, a rather little known representative of the young generation of National Democrats in the interwar period, and one of the leading contributors to a weekly „Myśl Narodowa”. Most of his life, in particular as a student and throughout his working life, he was connected with Mazovia, especially with Warsaw, due to this professional and journalistic activities. He has been portrayed multidimensionally as a man with comprehensive interest in Hungary, including its history as well as political and cultural life of that country. He stipulated that Poles should cooperate with Hungarians in the international arena, opposing the rise of Pan-Germanism in Central and Eastern Europe. He considered both countries to be predestined, for historical and geopolitical reasons, to rebuilt Central Europe. The title character of this paper supported Hungarian revisionism which was expected to establish common land border between Poland and Hungary.
PL
Artykuł koncentruje się na ukazaniu stosunku do Węgier i Węgrów mało znanej postaci młodego pokolenia obozu narodowego okresu międzywojennego, jakim był Karol Stefan Frycz, a który był jedną z wiodących postaci w tygodniku „Myśl Narodowa”. Był on związany przez większość swego życia, zwłaszcza w okresie studenckim oraz w czasie pracy zawodowej i aktywności publicystycznej z Mazowszem, a zwłaszcza z Warszawą. Ukazano, że bohater artykułu na wielu płaszczyznach (politycznej, historycznej oraz kulturalnej) interesował się Węgrami. Według jego postulatów Węgrzy i Polacy powinni współpracować na arenie międzynarodowej, przeciwstawiając się wzrostowi germanizmu w regionie Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Oba państwa, według niego, były ze względów historycznych oraz geopolitycznych predestynowane do przebudowy centralnej Europy. Bohater artykuł wspierał dążenia rewizjonistyczne węgierskie, które miały doprowadzić do powstania wspólnej granicy polsko-węgierskiej.
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Aktywność parlamentarna senatorów II Rzeczypospolitej na przykładzie obecności Narodowej Demokracji w Senacie II kadencji (1928–1930)

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Meller A.
Świat Idei i Polityki
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2020
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issue 19
58-78
PL
Artykuł przybliża mało zgłębiony przez badaczy temat aktywności parlamentarnej polityków Narodowej Demokracji na przykładzie Senatu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej II kadencji trwającej w latach 1928–1930. Wybory parlamentarne w 1928 r., w porównaniu do tych z 1922 r. zakończyły się dla obozu narodowego porażką, gdyż reprezentacja senacka skurczyła się do zaledwie dziewięciu polityków endeckich. W artykule dokonano próby przedstawienia struktury socjologicznej endeckich senatorów, a następnie ukazano udział narodowych demokratów w pracach w poszczególnych gremiach Senatu, tym samym przedstawiając ich realny wpływ na kształtowanie i przebieg prac izby wyższej, a także dokonano analizy myśli politycznej na podstawie wypowiedzi oraz aktywności senackiej endeków. Główne zagadnienia, które przykuwały uwagę senatorów-endeków to kwestie dotyczące: administracji państwowej, praworządności, rozwoju samorządu terytorialnego, edukacji oraz polityki zagranicznej.
EN
The following article provides an outline of a lesser known historical phenomenon related to the actions of Polish parliamentary politicians of the National Democracy (ND) formation in the years 1928-1930. In stark contrast to the elections of 1922, the elections of 1928 resulted in the defeat of the Nationalist camp, which ended up having only nine ND politicians. First, the article sketches a sociological map of ND senators. Secondly, it delves into the activities of senators in particular Senate boards, therefore explaining the real impact these people had on the workings of the higher chamber. Finally, an analysis of various statements is conducted with the aim of summarising the political views of these senators as well as the main issues they focused on, including state administration, justice, local governance, education and foreign policy.
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Marian Reutt (1907–1944/1945?)

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Meller A.
Polish Biographical Studies
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2013
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issue 1
177-180
7
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W poszukiwaniu idealnego ustroju dla Wielkiej Polski. Wątki monarchistyczne w myśli politycznej Obozu Narodowo-Radykalnego „ABC”

100%
Meller A.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2012
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vol. 33
132-147
EN
The author presented views of the National Radical Camp (NRC) “ABC” on the monarchy system. There has been presented the attitude of activists of NRC “ABC” to Polish tradition of monarchy, considering it as inspiring. There has been shown the views of people with positive views on monarchy, especially those of Tadeusz Gluziński and Jan Korolc. Juliusz Sas-Wisłocki’s concepts have been presented separately. In addition to being a member of NRC “ABC”, he was also an activist of monarchy group. The views of the above-mentioned persons have been confronted with activists of National Radical Movement “Falanga”, which stayed critical towards monarchy. The author of the article described the way of bringing back monarchy to Poland. The author also reconstructs argumentation on monarchy restitution, mainly tradition, stability of governing institution, low costs of functioning, effectiveness and professionalism. Some of NRC “ABC” suggested reform of system instead of monarchy restoration, which would be characterised by hierarchy and elitism and would be antidemocratic. The author used a wide source base, mainly using programme brochures and articles published in NRC press.
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Integracja Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w myśli politycznej Karola Stefana Frycza (1910–1942)

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Meller A.
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
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2022
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issue 16
375-389
EN
The article focuses on the person of Karol Stefan Frycz, a representative of the young generation of the Polish national camp. In his views, he often broke with the canons of the political thought of the National Democracy. An example of such a level was international relations and his vision of Central and Eastern European integration. As one of the few representatives of the national movement, he spoke positively about the Jagiellonian idea. In the concept of Karol Stefan Frycz, Poland, due to its historical experience, population and economic potential, should play a leading role in Central and Eastern Europe. The hero of our article believed that Poland, together with Hungary and Romania, should initiate the process of replacing the Little Entente with a new regional alliance on the international arena. Karol Stefan Frycz also believed that Poland was called to settle all territorial disputes between the countries of Central Europe and should strive to weaken the international position of Germany.
PL
Artykuł koncentruje się wokół osoby przedstawiciela młodego pokolenia polskiego obozu narodowego, jakim był Karol Stefan Frycz. Często w swoich poglądach wyłamywał się z kanonów myśli politycznej Narodowej Demokracji. Przykładem takiej płaszczyzny były stosunki międzynarodowe i jego wizja integracji Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Jako jeden z nielicznych przedstawicieli ruchu narodowego w sposób pozytywny wypowiadał się na temat idei jagiellońskiej. W koncepcji Karola Stefana Frycza Polska, z racji swoich doświadczeń historycznych, potencjału ludnościowego oraz gospodarczego, powinna odgrywać wiodącą rolę w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Frycz uważał, że Polska wspólnie z Węgrami oraz Rumunią powinna na arenie międzynarodowej zapoczątkować proces zastąpienia Małej Ententy nowym regionalnym sojuszem. Karol Stefan Frycz uważał także, że Polska była powołana do tego by rozstrzygać wszelkie spory terytorialne między państwami Europy Centralnej oraz powinna dążyć do osłabienia pozycji międzynarodowej Niemiec.
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Nacjonalista, radykał czy ekstremista? Publicystyka Adama Gmurczyka – lidera Narodowego Odrodzenia Polski (1994 – 2005)

63%
Meller A., Radomski G.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2014
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vol. 41
58-76
EN
The article presents the political concepts of Adam Gmurczyk – the leader of the National Revival of Poland (NOP). His journalism focuses on ideological issues. Gmurczyk commented only occasionally on the current political events taking place in Poland. The political analyses and ideological deliberations conducted by Adam Gmurczyk co-created and defined the directions of intellectual thought of the national-radical groups in Poland. The following criteria determine the inclusion of an idea or ideas to a group of national extremism: the abandonment of democracy and the idea of the civic society, the acceptance of violence as a method for the alternation of authority; the aspiration to realize a new political order that is considered as no-alternative pattern; the occurrence of the elements of nativism; the acceptance of integral Catholicism; the use of an own, separate, specific language and original symbolism; the feeling of being an elite. In the presented ideological concepts, the extremists, likely the majority of national trend, question the heritage of the French revolution, the liberal system of values,as well as social and political norms connected with them. The notion of mankind and the triad liberty-equality-fraternity is attacked. As a consequence, also the equality and the idea of the human rights are abandoned- they are regarded as a false religion. They also refer negatively to cosmopolitan tendencies that are present in the contemporary world. The democracy is accused of harming the basic and inviolable moral values. Due to the permanent elections and changes of governments, the political stability is not assured.This system is based on fraud and manipulation. Not the best people come to power but only those who are able to create the appropriate image. Additionally, the critical attitude to the democracy results from the fact that it prevents the rule of elite and leads to the rule of mediocrity; it strengthens the alienation of a human and hinders the family; self-government to operate in the local structures; the inalienable right for freedom is realized via political parties and the elites ruling in Poland come from the marxist elites. In many cases the anti-semitic reference appeares. The democracy, especially in Poland made it allegedly possible for the Jews to take power. While declaring also their absolute opposition against democracy,they in reality refer, in the majority of cases, to the observed perversions of the system. As a consequence, their criticism uses the ideological instrumentarium of accidental critics of democracy
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