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EN
In this paper we focus on an adverse effect of extensive choice widely known as ‘choice overload’. We draw on the case of Swedish funded pensions for illustration and analyze the consequences of the design that allowed for maximizing the choice set. The analysis shows limitations of employing the rational choice approach to the real choice decisions biased with common psychological factors and demonstrates that government’s responsibility for the privatized pension system does not end with the design. We also emphasize the need for a decent default option, which would mitigate socially harmful results of adverse behavior effects like procrastination, status quo bias or abstaining from choice. After all, privatized pension systems still belong to the sphere of public policy.
Oeconomia Copernicana
|
2015
|
vol. 6
|
issue 3
23-43
EN
This paper deals with the issue of political constraints put on economic policies that derive from the distribution of power in democratic societies. Poland and Sweden are both euro-outsiders that are obliged to adopt the euro, but recent developments within the Eurozone and related to the 2008+ crisis engendered widespread reluctance among the public to give up national currencies. Within a short time, the general support for the euro turned strongly negative, making it a grave challenge for politicians to pursue the adoption of the common currency. On this background, we reflect on the alleged correspondence between these two countries that would allow to follow similar policies toward euro introduction. We point to the idiosyncrasy of the Swedish case that makes it virtually impossible to emulate its policies by a country like Poland with very different long-term goals and starting conditions. By doing so, we highlight the context of policymaking that seems crucial to a successful art of political economy.
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu są instytucje mediacji rozumiane jako zalegalizowane przez państwo platformy i procedury, rutynowe praktyki, moralne oraz niepisane normy, składające się na wzorce wzajemnych oddziaływań organizacji i grup. Zakres opracowania obejmuje kolektywnych aktorów zaangażowanych w procesy koordynacji w sferze polityki gospodarczej w Japonii i w Szwecji. Celem artykułu jest rekonstrukcja zinstytucjonalizowanych mediacji społecznych w tych dwóch krajach w celu ich porównania oraz ocena stopnia zbieżności zmian, którym podlegają instytucje mediacji. Oba przypadki analizowane są w dwóch okresach, nazwanych na potrzeby artykułu fazą neokorporatyzmu i fazą neoliberalizmu. Analityczny opis pokazuje, że wspomniane zmiany wiążą się z osłabieniem pozycji państwa i związków zawodowych. W fazie neoliberalizmu widoczna jest tendencja do marginalizacji zorganizowanych reprezentacji interesów przez neoliberalną merytokrację.
EN
The financialization process is considered to leave debtor states critically dependent on international financial capital, which may then exercise indirect power over government policy, to the point where the state becomes a hostage to financial markets’ ‘state of confidence’. Such relations between the state and internationalized capital are perceived to come with two strings attached, as the state listens to financial markets because it is in debt and must settle accounts while still requiring external financing; and as financial deepening or credit is considered a vehicle of economic growth. It is the contention of this paper that conventional wisdom as to the correctness of debtor-state behavior in the above circumstances is open to challenge.
PL
Cel opracowania stanowi porównanie doświadczeń Niemiec i Szwecji w reformowaniu swoich systemów gospodarczych w odpowiedzi na stagnację gospodarczą lat 70. i 80. XX wieku. W obu krajach sfera rynku pracy odegrała kluczową rolę, choć przemiany miały odmienny charakter: w Niemczech podjęto trud przeprowadzenia głębokich reform pod hasłem zachowania modelu, a w Szwecji dążono do przywrócenia rozwiązań sprawdzonych w przeszłości. Z analizy płyną wnioski, że systemy gospodarcze oparte na kooperacji partnerów społecznych i ekonomicznych wykazują zdolność adaptacyjną oraz wciąż stanowią funkcjonalną alternatywę dla neoliberalnej koncepcji systemowej, opartej na rywalizacji aktorów i arbitralnie założonej wyższości potrzeb gospodarki nad potrzebami społecznymi.
EN
The purpose of this short study is to compare German and Swedish experiences with regard to the reforms implemented as a response to economic stagnation in 1970s and 1980s. Special attention is paid to the labour markets which played key role in the reforms, albeit differentiated in their nature. The main difference between the two cases is that the reforms in Germany were introduced in order to preserve the principles of social market economy, whereas in Sweden changes were supposed to restore the systemic solutions well-tried in the past. The conclusions of the paper suggest that economic systems based on the cooperation of social and economic parties do possess the capability to adjust to the changing economic environment and that they still represent a viable alternative to neoliberal concepts based on the rivalry of actors and the primacy of economic demands over social ones.
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