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EN
Present in article was introduced the process of European integration, with clear dismissal to The Schuman Plan as invariably current description of idea of integration. They were indicated the need of institutional changes going in direction of personification simultaneously and the strengthener on international arena the position of UE. They were talked over the undertaken tests of changes of treaties assuring the institutional changes. However it with regard on fact, that meringues the proposals of changes be made outdistancing, effective debate with citizens sentenced ratification of these tracks on failure, across rejection by citizens ratification several states. It was signaled on loam efficiency and the development of UE as social space and they will require the economic area the resulting with review of budget changes or worked out changes of Common Agricultural Policy. The attention was turned, that both in / in areas the working of UE are on so many sensitive, that they can turn out more considerably difficult than at present leading institutional subject matter. It chronological arrangement in the last part was introduced treaties, which entered in life or such which on today’s day are the only treaties signed by representatives of states
EN
The dictatorship of military junta inflicted on the Argentinian society many injures, which have been painful till today. Thousands of people were followed, kidnapped, tortured, killed, and children of arrested pregnant women were captured and given to adoption. After lost Falklands-Malvinas War and the decline of bloody regime, victims’families began long way of exposuring the truth about crimes commited by the servicemen, and politicians confronted difficult task (or challenge), which was the reconciliation of society.
EN
The goal of this article is to provide the wide overview of theories of myth with particular focus on political myth. Described as a process, political myth can provide us an interesting lens, through which we can discover our history, main political narrations as well as reinterpret old myths. As Cassirer noticed, theory of myth for scholars is like a magic mirror – regardless of the field of their specialization they always see in it familiar elements. In my paper I am particularly focusing on few theories. There are several reasons why it is worth to mention some scholars and their work. First of all, it allows us to grasp the shift in the work on the concept of myth. In the same time we can see how particular approach evaluate, but in fact stay the same. The best example of this we can find in the work of Cassirer. He worked in times dominated by growing Nazi movements, philosophy of Mandarines and common fascination of Teutonic myth. By criticizing myth in general he was taking a stand, showing his opposition to based on mass emotions politics. It is the historical context who drives Cassirer to division between “mythical” and modern consciousness. Therefore he connects everything, which is emotional, cultural and naïve with myth, repeating after Tylor and Lang criticism, equaling mythological consciousness with primitivism. Second worth mentioning theory created Eliade. It plays an important role in the wide discussion about myth. Eliade presents the opposition sacrum-profanum. He shows how myths helps people to find their orientation within the reality and the world. By providing axis mundi myth is helping us to perceive not only meaning, but also significance of things. While for Cassirer myth is a kind of regression, for another author, George Sorel, myth is its the opposition – it is necessary element for progress. Sorel’s work “Reflections on the Violence” is one of the most appreciated and disputed work within the discussion about the role and functions of myth in the modern society. In my work I underline the most important qualities of political myth. I am also defending myth itself from vague criticism, like the one presented by Tismaneanu or Kolodziej. The political myth is a dynamic form of story. It is changing and shifting according to needs and interpretations of the reality made by the members of the particular group. It is understandable to criticize national myths, which can lead to wars and discrimination, but we simply can not criticize an empty form while discussing the concept itself.
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EN
Article discusses ups and downs with acceptance of treaty from Lisbon, from negative result in first referendum in Ireland to delay with his signing by president of Czech Republic Vaclav Klaus. In text is presented also polish, de facto presidential treaty’s episode, there was intelligible for many citizens that not up to the end. Treaty negotiated and undersigned by president of Polish Republic Lech Kaczynski in Lisbon of 13 December 2007 ratified 10 October 2009 in spite of acceptance of resolution of Sejm Republic of Poland from day 1 April 2008 sign regarding formulation by Sejm of Polish Republic of agreement on ratification by president of Polish Republic of Treaty from Lisbon about European Union changing treaty and Treaty establishing European Community, sign in Lisbon of day 13 December 2007 year. There will be forgotten inconvenience with acceptance of treaty fastly surely because from 01 December 2009 before Europeans and European and National Institutions become a great task of implementation of treaty. Formal Europe requires care and cooperation between Europeans “united in diversity”. In article have been presented an economic aspects of functioning of European Union in day of crisis too, and civil dimension and meaning in external relations. New impulse is wanted for Europe, let’s have hope, that from we all of active participation and with reasonably built position of Europe in the midst of we world, the world with continuously, far too huge areas of poverty and with hard wars in many places in the world. Since 01 December 2009 Europe obtains a new , legally legitimate important impulse for new operation and let’s have hope on new, positive changes in horizontal life of Europeans.
PL
Artykuł omawia perypetie z przyjęciem Traktatu z Lizbony, od negatywnego wyniku w pierwszym referendum w Irlandii do opóźnienia z jego podpisaniem przez Prezydenta Czech Vaclava Klausa. W tekście jest także przedstawiony polski, de facto prezydencki epizod traktatowy, co dla wielu obywateli nie do końca było zrozumiałe. Traktat wynegocjowany i podpisany przez Prezydenta RP Lecha Kaczyńskiego w Lizbonie 13 grudnia 2007 r. został ratyfikowany dopiero 10 października 2009 r., mimo przyjęcia Uchwały Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z dnia 1 kwietnia 2008 r. w sprawie wyrażenia przez Sejm Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej zgody na ratyfikację przez Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej Traktatu z Lizbony zmieniającego Traktat o Unii Europejskiej i Traktat ustanawiający Wspólnotę Europejską, podpisanego w Lizbonie dnia 13 grudnia 2007 roku. Kłopoty z przyjęciem traktatu zapewne szybko zostaną zapomniane bo od 01 grudnia 2009 r. przed Europejczykami i instytucjami europejskimi oraz narodowymi staje wielkie zadanie implementacji traktatu. Formalna Europa wymaga staranności i współdziałania Europejek i Europejczyków „zjednoczonych w różnorodności”. W artykule przedstawione zostały też ekonomiczne aspekty funkcjonowania Unii Europejskiej w dobie kryzysu, oraz jej obywatelski wymiar i znaczenie w stosunkach zewnętrznych. Nowy impuls dla Europy potrzebny jest i dzieję się ustawicznie, miejmy nadzieję, że z aktywnym udziałem każdego z nas i z rozsądnie budowaną pozycją Europy w otaczającym świecie, świecie ciągle ze zbyt wielkimi obszarami biedy i trudnymi wojnami w z byt wielu miejscach na świecie. Europa 01 grudnia 2009 r. dostaje nowy, usankcjonowany prawnie ważny impuls do nowego działania i miejmy nadzieję nowych, pozytywnych zmian w poziomie życia Europejek i Europejczyków.
EN
The Author would like to introduce the reader to problems of Guyana, a former British Colony. She outlines a brief historical scetch, introduces to the main confl icts (mostly ideological and ethnic confl icts), which had a dominant role in the shaping of this small state and also explains the role of the United Stated and Great Britain in process of gaining its independence. She explains the impact of superiorly generated sociopolitical cleavages on the party system and the origins of the imbalance party system. She also presents a detailed analysis of the undemocratic domination of Afroguyanians (1964–1992) and the democratic domination of Guyanians of Indian descent (from 1992 to this day). She also stresses, that the parties tending to maximalize their political profi ts, are eager to keep the confl ict going and to preserve electoral voting according to the rule of ethnic belonging (apanjaat).
EN
THE DICTATORSHIP OF military junta inflicted on the Argentinian society many injures, which have been painful till today. Thousands of people were followed, kidnapped, tortured, killed, and children of arrested pregnant women were captured and given to adoption. After lost Falklands-Malvinas War and the decline of bloody regime, victims’ families began long way of exposuring the truth about crimes commited by the servicemen, and politicians confronted difficult task (or challenge), which was the reconciliation of society. The article tries to explain the Argentinian process of reconciliation during the transition that was taking place in context of economic, political and social crisis and also difficult international situation. It shows how military junta attempted to warranting itself an impunity (by, for example, Decree 22924 or 2726/83) and president`s R. Alfonsín struggle for human rights, truth, reconciliation (decrees 157, 158,187, CONADEP Commission) and problem of subordinating the services to civil structures (military process, rebellions in barracs, „ley de punto final” and „ley de obedencia debida”). It also investigates the policy of C. Menem of subordination of the services to civil authorities by „pacificacion nacional” and reprieves that suspended for few years issues of responsibility for committed crimes.
EN
This article describes a new, not seen so far on an international scale, institution of participatory democracy in the European Union – European Citizens’ Initiative. In article was discussed process of legislative and policy changes that impacted on the formation of a new institution of direct democracy in the European Union. The authors present functional process of preparing European citizens’ initiative established by the Treaty of Lisbon in the Treaty on European Union Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. The essence of the article is a functional analysis of the legal process, submission of a citizens’ initiative. The authors discuss about background of the initiative and introduced legislative procedure for the initiative, starting from foundation of a citizens’ committee, registration of initiative, collection of support, ending on verification and certification of initiative, carried out by the European Commission. The authors also sought to identify advantages and possible problems that may arise in connection with the introduction of a citizens’ initiative in the European Union, having regard to existing and future meanderings of the integration process and effects of global competitiveness.
PL
Powyższy artykuł opisuje nową, niespotykaną do tej pory na skalę międzynarodową instytucję demokracji uczestniczącej w Unii Europejskiej – europejską inicjatywę obywatelską. W artykule został omówiony proces przemian ustawodawczych i politycznych, które miały wpływ na kształtowanie się nowej instytucji demokracji bezpośredniej w Unii Europejskiej. Autorzy przedstawiają proces powstawania i funkcjonalnego przygotowania europejskiej inicjatywy obywatelskiej ustanowionej Traktatem z Lizbony w Traktacie o Unii Europejskiej i Traktacie o Funkcjonowaniu Unii Europejskiej. Istotą artykułu jest funkcjonalna analiza procedury prawnej składania inicjatywy obywatelskiej. Autorzy omawiają tło powstania inicjatywy i wprowadzoną procedurę legislacyjną dla inicjatywy, poczynając od założenia komitetu obywatelskiego, rejestracji inicjatywy, zbierania głosów poparcia, kończąc na weryfikacji i poświadczeniu inicjatywy, dokonywanej przez Komisję Europejską. Autorzy starali się również wskazać zalety i ewentualne problemy, jakie mogą wyniknąć w związku z wprowadzeniem inicjatywy obywatelskiej w Unii Europejskiej, uwzględniając dotychczasowe i przyszłe meandry procesu integracji i skutków globalnej konkurencyjności.
EN
This article shows process of legislative and political changes that took effect on the change and the formation of new concepts of Presidency in Council of the European Union. Authors describe a process of presidency evolution from the Treaty of Paris, ending with the Treaty of Lisbon. The authors show how after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, has changed the role of the presidency in relation to the entire institutional system of the European Union. The authors also drew attention to priorities and programmatic issues that will be taken during Polish Presidency in the second half of 2011. The essence of the article is also to indicate what are the expectations of the Polish Presidency in the context of supervision and an indication of conditions under which Poland will decide on the most important issues in the European Union.
PL
Powyższy artykuł wskazuje proces przemian ustawodawczych i politycznych, które miały wpływ na zmianę i kształtowanie się nowych koncepcji sprawowania prezydencji w Radzie Unii Europejskiej. Autorzy przedstawiają proces ewolucji przewodnictwa, począwszy od Traktatu Paryskiego, kończąc na Traktacie z Lizbony. Wskazują ponadto, jak po wejściu w życie Traktatu z Lizbony zmieniła się rola prezydencji w stosunku do całego systemu instytucjonalnego Unii Europejskiej. Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na priorytety oraz kwestie programowe, które zostaną podjęte w czasie sprawowania przez Polskę prezydencji w drugim półroczu 2011 roku. Istotą artykułu jest również wskazanie, jakie są oczekiwania wobec Polski w ramach sprawowania prezydencji, oraz charakterystyka uwarunkowań, w jakich przyjdzie Polsce współdecydować o najważniejszych kwestiach w Unii Europejskiej.
PL
W prawie międzynarodowym publicznym nie ma legalnej definicji wojny hybrydowej, ale to, co dzieje się na granicy Polski z Białorusią, można nazwać nowym typem konfliktu granicznego. Sytuacja na granicy Polski, Litwy i Łotwy ewoluuje w niebezpiecznym kierunku dla bezpieczeństwa tych krajów i bezpieczeństwa Unii Europejskiej, ale jest to również kryzys humanitarny. Prawo międzynarodowe publiczne zawiera normy, które dają wskazówki, jakie kroki należy podjąć. Jednak rozwój sytuacji zależy od decyzji państw zaangażowanych w ten konflikt graniczny. Konflikt na wschodniej granicy Unii Europejskiej ma wiele aspektów. Niniejszy artykuł zawiera przegląd najważniejszych z nich. W artykule omówiono przepisy prawa międzynarodowego publicznego, prawa Unii Europejskiej oraz polskie rozwiązania krajowe związane z kryzysem migracyjnym. Konflikt ten pokazano w szerszej perspektywie innych działań hybrydowych stosowanych przez Rosję.
EN
There is no legal definition of a hybrid war in international public law, but what is happening on the Polish border with Belarus can be called a new type of border conflict. The situation on the Polish, Lithuanian and Latvian borders is evolving in a dangerous direction for the security of these countries and the security of the European Union, but it is also a humanitarian crisis. Public international law contains norms which give guidance on what steps should be taken. However, the development of the situation depends on the decisions of the countries involved in this border conflict. This conflict on the eastern border of the European Union has many aspects. This paper will provide an overview and explanation of the most important of them. Provisions of public international law and Polish national solutions related to migration and resolving such conflict situations are also discussed. This conflict is shown in a broader perspective of other hybrid actions used by Russia.
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