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Życie publiczne a moralność

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Zeszyty Naukowe KUL
|
2018
|
vol. 61
|
issue 2
399-415
EN
Public life involves a variety of actions ordinary people undertake within the interstitial domain, located between the private realm of households and the institutional area of the state. Although public life was commonly cultivated in the ancient times as a way to attain stages of refined emancipation, its contemporary forms stem from the modern bourgeois culture. Owing to the fact, that public life plays out around issues that are of crucial significance for the proper existence of individuals and groups, it becomes a field of particular moral responsibility. Responsible actions in the public realm demand a stable disposition of adopting all available means for improving the social subsystems, particularly those which directly fall under civic scrutiny: politics and culture
PL
Życie publiczne to wszelkie działania zwykłych ludzi podejmowane w szczelinowym obszarze pomiędzy sferą prywatności a państwem. Choć kultywowane w antyku jako sposób osiągania wysublimowanej emancypacji, swą aktualną formę zawdzięcza nowożytnej kulturze mieszczańskiej. Ponieważ życie publiczne rozgrywa się wokół kwestii nieodzownych dla prawidłowej egzystencji zbiorowości staje się szczególnym polem odpowiedzialności. Odpowiedzialność w życiu publicznym polega na możliwie najbardziej efektywnym wykorzystaniu rezerwuaru dostępnych środków, celem korygowania społecznego świata systemów cząstkowych, zwłaszcza tych bezpośrednio poddanych społecznemu skrutynium: polityki i kultury.
EN
The present text is an attempt to describe the phenomenon of the mass emigration of Poles to Great Britain, whose particular increase took place after Poland’s accession to the European Union in May 2004. The material presented therein is a quality study z in the field of social ethics, in which conclusions are reached on the basis of the results of empirical research carried out by a few teams in various regions of Great Britain. An important role is fulfilled by the biographical factor which embraces a two-year work of the author among post-accession immigrants in Aberdeen (Scotland). The logic of the whole discourse is embedded around the problem of the identity of the people who have decided to emigrate in the recent years despite living and working within the European Union. Does such an ultimate decision as the decision to emigrate introduce any essential, new component in an immigrant’s hitherto identity; does it change anything in their identity? What is the immigrants’ reality perception perspective? How do they combine the immigrant present time with what constitutes their past? Last but not least, what defines post accession emigrants; can any common denominator be discerned?
Studia Gilsoniana
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2023
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vol. 12
|
issue 1
133-168
EN
This paper explores a normative layer of Habermas’s public sphere in its relation to human rights. His public sphere came into being as a result of a spontaneous nonconformity manifested by the early bourgeoisie’s reaction to an absolutist regimen making inroads in the realm of basic human liberties; it managed to survive the changeable conditions of society and state thanks to its participants’ capability of cultivating collective self-determination, fed from the outset by the intellectual claims of modernity. Thereafter, the link between Habermas’s public sphere and human rights bifurcates, leading concurrently to liberal individual rights (Menschenrechte) and to the republican freedom of popular sovereignty (Volkssouveränität). Further revisions and corrections transpose that simple dualism from the clear-cut bourgeois world of universal morality into the realm of legalism and the protocols de rigueur in the world of systems. Habermas integrates individual human rights and popular sovereignty in the procedures of a democratic state, overcoming this ostensibly irreconcilable duality in his genuine claim about the co-originality of civil autonomy. this thesis institutionally unifies universal pre-constitutional morality, with legalism regulating the democratic world of legal subjects (citizens) and their constitutionally guaranteed entitlement.
EN
Secularity is a historical product of modern ages that signaled a diminishing role of transcendence in public as well as individual life, changing effectively the common understanding of key social institutions: economy, state, knowledge, the family, religion. It may take on the form of a neutral lack of transcendence in public life and personal orientation (secularization); it can also appear as an active ideological presence – an ambitious project to remove any reference to transcendence from public life in view of creating “a religion free zone” (secularism). In the first case secularity comes about as a result of a civilization process of subtraction, in which religion melts under the pressure of modern technology, science, economy, a new philosophical orientation, and political frameworks. In the second one, it assumes the form of a bellicose ideology which implies a specific agenda of actions against religion. Secularity came into being as an outcome of philosophical, cultural and political shifts that strived to free individuals from being subjects of the old moral order, and make them independent autonomous agents that live in the unprecedented conditions of novus ordo seculorum and secular, ordinary time.
DE
Die Säkularität ist ein historisches Produkt der Neuzeit, die auf die verminderte Bedeutung der Transzendenz im öffentlichen und privaten Leben verweist und das veränderte Verständnis der Natur von den wichtigsten gesellschaftlichen Institutionen, wie: Ökonomie, Staat, Wissenschaft, Familie, Religion zur Folge hat. Die Säkularität kann eine Form von einem neutralen Mangel der Transzendenz (Säkularisierung) annehmen, kann aber auch als eine aktive ideologische Präsenz funktionieren - als ein ehrgeiziges Programm der Eliminierung aller Verweise auf die Transzendenz aus dem öffentlichen und privaten Leben (Säkularismus). Im ersten Fall erscheint die Säkularität als eine Folge des zivilisatorischen Verdrängungsprozesses, in Folge dessen die Religion unter dem Druck der neuzeitlichen Technologie, Expertise, Ökonomie sowie der neuen philosophischen Ideen und Verfassungsformen verschwindet. Im zweiten Fall wird die Säkularität zu einer offensiven Ideologie, die ein konkretes, gegen die Religion gerichtetes Aktionsprogramm voraussetzt. Die Säkularität entstand als Folge der kulturellen, politischen und philosophischen Veränderungen, deren Ziel es war, den Einzelnen aus der Abhängigkeit vom alten Moralsystem zu befreien und ihn zum unabhängigen und autonomen Subjekt zu etablieren, das in den einzigartigen Verhältnissen des novus ordo seculorum sowie der einfachen säkularen Zeit leben kann.
PL
Sekularność jest historycznym produktem nowożytności, który wskazuje na malejącą rolę transcendencji w życiu publicznym i prywatnym oraz zmienia rozumienie natury kluczowych instytucji społecznych: ekonomii, państwa, wiedzy, rodziny, religii. Może przybierać formy neutralnego braku transcendencji (sekularyzacja), może też funkcjonować jak aktywna ideologiczna obecność – ambitny program usuwania wszelkich odniesień do transcendencji w życiu publicznym i prywatnym (sekularyzm). W pierwszym przypadku sekularność  pojawia się jako wynik cywilizacyjnego procesu usuwania, w którym religia znika pod naciskiem nowożytnej technologii, ekspertyzy, ekonomii, nowożytnych orientacji filozoficznych i form ustrojowych. W drugim przybiera postać ofensywnej ideologii, która zakłada konkretny program działań przeciwko religii. Sekularność powstała jako następstwo zmian kulturowych, politycznych i filozoficznych mających na celu wyzwolenie jednostek spod podporządkowania staremu systemowi moralnemu i uczynieniu z nich niezależnych autonomicznych podmiotów żyjących w bezprecedensowych warunkach novus ordo seculorum oraz zwykłego sekularnego czasu.
EN
The paper argues that the original normativity that provides the basis for Habermas’s model of the public sphere remains untouched at its core, despite having undergone some corrective alterations since the time of its first unveiling in the 1960s. This normative core is derived from two individual claims, historically articulated in the eighteenth-century’s “golden age” of reason and liberty as both sacred and self-evident: (1) the individual right to an unrestrained disposal of one’s private property; and (2) the individual right to formulate one’s opinion in the course of public debate. Habermas perceives the public sphere anchored to these two fundamental freedoms/rights as an arena of interactive opinion exchange with the capacity to solidly and reliably generate sound reason and public rationality. Despite its historical and cultural attachments to the bourgeois culture as its classical setting, Habermas’s model of the public sphere, due to its universal normativity, maintains its unique character, even if it has been thoroughly reformulated by social theories that run contrary to his original vision of the lifeworld, organized and ruled by autonomous rational individuals.     
EN
Since sociology deals with the description of society as an abstract whole concept, its cultivation is only possible if sociologists are able to follow sociological imagination - the ability of distancing itself from the actual conditions of life perceived by each person subjectively. The sociological imagination is an open-space perception and understanding of human needs, attitudes, aspirations, and preferences. Its openness involves methodical openness as well. The sociological imagination confronts the difficult task of contemporary sociology to reach what is its proper object. Under the present circumstances it is the people subjected to transformations, caused by globalization processes. One effect of these transformations is to push the public sphere socialitas into the background by international capital and state administration. Burawoy’s postulate of including a new sociological sub-discipline called organic public sociology into the established sociological division is an answer he gives to the question: how is contemporary sociology to reach and animate individuals and groups living on the fringe? Public sociology defined by Burawoy is a project that aims at making the public sphere more vital by awakening civil awareness of how to make use of their status as state citizens in communities. It is also to be treated as an attempt at striving to establish contact between sociology and society and keep in touch with both. Burawoy writes from the vantage point of those below, which makes his narratives sound neo-Marxist in a sense. What is striking in his position is searching for moral strongholds of sociology. It is to be seen both in the line in which he describes the global role of American sociology as a frame of reference for sociology cultivated outside the USA, and where he enhances the status of sociological reflexive knowledge. Besides, the strong moral commitment and deontology that resonate within every inch of Burawoy’s narratives compose the backdrop of public sociology. The project of public sociology presented by Burawoy in 2004 split the sociological environment into three groups: keen adherents, partial adherents, and staunch opponents. This means that the arguments presented by him in different ways appeal to the imagination of those concerned and, as any other arguments, have strong and weak points. The project elaborated by Burawoy undoubtedly proved to be successful if we consider the international debate it initiated, the debate on public sociology and the role of contemporary sociology in general.
EN
Social Philosophy fills the niche of the “academic market” with champions league scholarship and sets the lens for the accurate perception of socio-institutional order that is anchored to the tradition, which reflects the contemporary and is acceptingly open to the future. And this is due to the realism of the Christian philosophical tradition and to the paradigm of truth adopted in it, as measures for correct perceiving and reasoning. They help organize the diversified positions taken respectively by the authors and make it clear, that no matter how hard attempts are being made to produce truths by means of miscellaneous agreements, there is still such a thing as truth independent of consensus. Abolishing the latter, brings about axiological disorientation and eventuates in degenerating institutions viewed as accomplishments of Western civilization. Social Philosophy encapsulates the complex reality of social institutions in terms of the ends they are to fulfill; it informs not only about their nature and how they are to operate, but it embeds them in the wider contexts and their genealogical continuities.
PL
Filozofia społeczna wypełnia niszę „rynku akademickiego” pierwszoligową naukowością i ustawia soczewki oglądu porządku społeczno-instytucjonalnego, który jest zakorzeniony w tradycji, odzwierciedla teraźniejszość i jest akceptująco otwarty na przyszłość. A wszystko dzięki realizmowi chrześcijańskiej tradycji filozofii i paradygmatowi prawdy przyjętym jako miary poprawnego widzenia i wnioskowania. Porządkują one zróżnicowane stanowiska autorów, przypominając, że bez względu na to, jak bardzo usiłuje się ustalać prawdziwości na drodze różnego rodzaju porozumień, istnieje coś takiego jak prawda niezależna od konsensów. Jej negowanie dezorientuje aksjologicznie społeczeństwa i prowadzi do degeneracji instytucji będących cywilizacyjnymi osiągnięciami Zachodu. Filozofia społeczna integralnie ujmuje złożoną rzeczywistość instytucji w perspektywie ich inherentnych celów; nie tylko przypomina, czym są i jak funkcjonują, ale też osadza je w ich szerszych kontekstach i genealogicznych ciągłościach.
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