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EN
This paper is based on a study on the effects of unauthorized migration on Latino children and youth’s access to education, healthcare, and livelihoods. The research project aimed at improving understanding of the many nuanced effects of undocumented status on employment and livelihood prospects of Latino youth. Research involved ethnographic fieldwork in three neighborhoods in the larger Washington, DC metropolitan area: Chirilagua, VA, a neighborhood on the border of Alexandria and Arlington in northern Virginia; Langley Park, MD; and Columbia Heights, in DC. In this article we attempt to explore the circumstances faced by Latino youth as they transition into adulthood and analyze the effects of unauthorized status of the young person or other family members on incentives to work and access to the labor market. We argue that while these youth are often pressured to choose waged employment over education in order to contribute to the family’s income, their lack of legal immigration status is an incentive to stay in school for the relatively safe legal environment it affords. Once the decision to work has been made, or graduation from high school has forced them out of the safety net, the limited options for work available to these youth create difficult decisions wherein some seek work in safe environments for less compensation while others choose more formal, higher-paying positions that come with exposure and high risk.
PL
Artykuł powstał w oparciu o pilotażowe badania polskich migrantów powrotnych do kraju dzięki działalności Fundacji „Barka”. Badania przeprowadzone zostały w 2010 roku, wkrótce po tym, jak mężczyźni wrócili do Polski, podczas ich readaptacji połączonej z procesem planowania przyszłości – czy zostać w kraju, wrócić do Anglii czy też migrować gdzieś indziej. Rozmowy koncentrowały się na subiektywnej ocenie wyjazdów, dokonywanej przez samych migrantów, wpływie pracowników „Barki” na podejmowane przez nich decyzje o powrocie, próbie określenia najistotniejszych potrzeb w sytuacji, w której się znaleźli, oraz ocenie usług świadczonych przez organizację po ich powrocie do Polski, jak również ich planów na przyszłość. Prowadzone równolegle wywiady z przedstawicielami organizacji pomocowej odzwierciedlają, jak odmiennie postrzegane mogą być te same wyjazdy zagraniczne z perspektywy migrantów (emic) oraz przez personel zatrudniony przy projekcie (etic).
EN
This article is based on an exploratory study of Polish ‘return’ migrants aided by the Barka Foundation carried out in 2010, shortly after the men were returned to Poland, during the liminal stage of readjustment and decision-making whether to remain in Poland, return to the UK or migrate elsewhere. The interviews centered on the migrants’ assessment of their migration projects, engagement with Barka outreach workers, decision-making processes to return to Poland, assessment of most pressing needs, evaluation of provided services once they returned to Poland, and plans for the future. Discussions with service providers mirrored these themes to compare the emic or insiders’ (migrants’) and etic or outsiders’ (program staff’s) assessment of strategies employed to aid Polish ‘return’ migrants.
EN
Based on empirical research conducted in Hungary and Poland in 2016–2017, as well as on analysis of social media, blogs and newspaper articles, this article discusses Hungarian and Polish attitudes towards Muslims and Islam. Against a historical background, we analyse how the Hungarian and Polish governments responded to the large-scale influx of Muslim refugees during the 2015 ‘migration crisis’. The anti-immigrant narratives, fueled by both governments and the right-wing press, resulted in something akin to Islamophobia without Muslims. Instead of portraying the people arriving at the southern border of Europe as refugees seeking safety, they described the migration process in terms such as ‘raid’, ‘conquest’ and ‘penetration’. These narratives often implied that Muslims will combat Europe not only with terrorism but with the uteruses of their women, who will bear enough children to outnumber native Poles and Hungarians. The paper ends with a discussion of positive attempts to improve attitudes towards refugees in Poland and Hungary.
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