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Colloquia Litteraria
|
2016
|
vol. 20
|
issue 1
253-287
PL
From certain point of view a desperate defense of an aesthetic doctrine of classicism, undertaken by Jan Śniadecki, a Polish mathematician and astronomer of the eighteenth century, resembles the E. R. Curtius’ thesis on “Latinism” as a universal factor integrating European culture; it may be stated that post-Stanislavian classical writers in Poland were driven by the same “concern for the preservation of Western culture” which motivated Ernst Robert Curtius in the times of the Third Reich and after its collapse. But the noble-minded intentions were in both cases grounded on similarly distorted perspective, which ensued from a mistificatory attitude towards a non-Latin heritage of the European culture. The range of that mystification or delusion has been fully revealed by findings made by modern so-called new comparative mythology/philology. Another aspect of the problem is an uniform model of the Middle Ages, partially correlated with the Enlightenment-based stereotype of “the dark Middle Ages”, which despite of its anachronism existed in literary studies for a surprisingly long period of time. Although the Romantic Movement of 18th – 19th centuries has been quite correctly acknowledged as an anti-Latinistic upheaval, its real connections with certain traditions of Middle Ages still remain not properly understood. Some concepts concerning Macpherson’s The Works of ossian, put forward by modern ethnology, may yield clues to the research on the question. As suggested by Joseph Falaky Nagy, Macpherson’s literary undertaking may by looked into as a parallel to Acallam na Senórach compiled in Ireland between 11th and 13th centuries: in both cases to respond to threats to the Gaelic culture there arose a literary monument and compendium of the commendable past with the core based on the Fenian heroic tradition that was the common legacy for the Irish and Highlanders. Taking into consideration some other evidence, it can be ascertained that Celtic and Germanic revival initiated in the second half of 18th century was not only one of the most important impulses for the Romantic Movement, but it was also, in a sense, an actual continuation of the efforts of mediaeval writers and compilers (Geoffrey of Monmouth, Snorri Sturluson, Saxo Grammaticus, anonymous compilers of Lebor gabála Érenn and Acallam, Wincenty Kadłubek), who would successfully combine Latin, i.e. classical, and ecclesiastical erudition with a desire to preserve and adapt in a creative way their own “pagan” and “barbarian” legacy.  A special case of this (pre)Romantic revival concerns Slavic cultures, in particular the Polish one. Lack of source data on the oldest historical and cultural tradition of Slavic languages, especially in the Western region, and no record about Slavic tradition in highbrow literary culture induced two solutions: the first one was a production of philological forgeries (like Rukopis královédvorský and Rukopis zelenohorský), the second one was an attempt to someway reconstruct that lost heritage. Works of three Romantic historians, W. Surowiecki, W. A. Maciejowski, F. H. Lewestam, shows the method. Seemingly contradicting theories they put forward share common ground in aspects which are related to the characteristics of the first Slavic societies: a sense of being native inhabitants, pacifism, rich natural resources based on highly-effective agriculture, dynamic demography, a flattened social hierarchy and physical prowess. The fact of even greater importance is that the image of that kind has the mythological core, the circumstance which remains hitherto unnoticed. Polish historians not only tended to identify historical ancient Slavs with mythical Scandinavian Vanir (regarding it obvious), but also managed to recall the great Indo-European theme of ”founding conflict” (in Dumézilian terms), despite whole that mythological model being far beyond the horizon of knowledge at that time. Despite all anachronisms, lack of knowledge and instrumental involvement in aesthetic, political or religious ideology, Romanticism really started the restitution of the cultural legacy of the Middle Ages, also in domain of linguistic and philological research. The consequences of that fact should be taken into account in literary history studies.
PL
Artykuł, będący fragmentem przygotowywanej większej rozprawy, skupia się na operacjach – raczej symbolicznych aniżeli pojęciowych – jakie Mickiewiczowi w pierwszym kursie Literatury słowiańskiej służą do konstruowania obrazu przedchrześcijańskiej kultury duchowej Słowian wedle pożądanego, apriorycznego wzorca. Zjawisko to, rozpatrywane w kontekście wykraczającego poza romantyzm procesu kulturowego, znajduje analogię w humanistycznym koncepcie mitologicznej monogenezy, wyczerpująco opracowanym przez Macieja Kazimierza Sarbiewskiego w traktacie Dii gentium. Mickiewicz dowodzi pierwotnego monoteizmu Słowian w trybie podobnym do tego, jaki w tradycji humanistycznego mitoznawstwa służył dowodzeniu pierwotnego monoteizmu Greków i Rzymian. Zbieżność ta nie jest motywowana bezpośrednią filiacją, lecz raczej wspólnotą pojęciowo-symbolicznego aparatu apologetycznej tradycji, której cechą znamienną jest kamuflowanie aporii generowanych przez pojęcie pierwotnej teologii. W związku z utrzymującym się nieporozumieniem, jakoby stanowisko Mickiewicza w tej kwestii było w zasadzie tożsame ze stanowiskiem Joachima Lelewela, artykuł, analizując założenia argumentacji obu autorów, wykazuje, że bliski im obu koncept pierwotnego słowiańskiego monoteizmu wynika w obu przypadkach z odmiennych, przeciwstawnych przesłanek i pełni odmienne funkcje.
EN
The article, which is a fragment of a larger dissertation under preparation, focuses on the operations – symbolic rather than conceptual – which Mickiewicz uses in the first course of Literatura słowiańska [Slavonic Literature] to construct an image of the pre-Christian spiritual culture of Slavs according to a desired, a priori model. This phenomenon, considered in the context of a cultural process going beyond Romanticism, finds analogy in the humanistic concept of mythological monogenesis, thoroughly developed by Maciej Kazimierz Sarbiewski in the treatise Dii gentium. Mickiewicz proves the original monotheism of the Slavs in a manner similar to the one used in the tradition of humanistic mythology to prove the original monotheism of the Greeks and Romans. This convergence is not motivated by direct filiation, but rather by a common conceptual and symbolic apparatus of the apologetic tradition, whose characteristic feature is the camouflage of aporias generated by the concept of primordial theology. Due to the ongoing misunderstanding that Mickiewicz’s position on this issue is basically the same as that of Joachim Lelewel, upon analysing the assumptions of the arguments of both authors, the article shows that the concept of original Slavic monotheism, which is close to both of them, in both cases results from different, contradictory premises and performs different functions.
EN
The opposition of symbol and allegory in the Romantic aesthetic-philosophical discourse can be considered as a special case of the fundamental antithesis, emphasized by Tzvetan Todorov, of symbolic representations and sign representations. On the other hand, the literary practice of Romanticism by no means renounces allegorical renderings. Before Norwid’s connections with Counter-Reformation emblematics finally reach a competent description, even a single example seems worth presenting. Even if a strict equivalent of intersemioticality, which appears in emblems, does not exist in the case in question (all we have is verbal text), a good equivalent of emblematic icon can be found on the level of poetic imaging, while the homologue of the inscriptio emerges as a figure of words formed by two final verse line endings. Example from Norwid (Cross and Child) leads to the problem of semiosis of the Cross, which is not always adequately modelled by contemporary scholars. In turn, the Christian symbolism of the Cross, covered in ethnological terms, opens the perspective of comparative study of the changes in semiotic structures in the sphere of eschatological representations. Interesting examples of such representations are provided by archaeological evidence. In the cases mentioned in the article, a diachronic relationship between symbol and allegory can be seen: allegory emerges as a result of decomposition of the symbolic structures into the sign structures.
PL
Szkic dotyczy wybranych aspektów myśli teoretycznoliterackiej Mariana Maciejewskiego. Jakkolwiek Uczony był przede wszystkim historykiem literatury, jednak w jego naukowym pisarstwie nietrudno dostrzec niejaką inklinację do twórczego podejmowania zagadnień z zakresu teorii literatury, o tyle przynajmniej, o ile okazywało się to potrzebne do rozwiązywania historycznoliterackich problemów, jakie wyłaniały się w trakcie jego pracy badawczej. Zainteresowanie Maciejewskiego budziła zwłaszcza problematyka genologiczna – pewne godne uwagi propozycje, jakie w tym zakresie przedstawił, jeśli nawet nie tworzą uniwersalnej teoretycznej konceptualizacji, to zasługują na ujęcie w kategoriach „idei genologicznych”. Do tak rozumianych idei należy sposób operowania przez Maciejewskiego kategorią obrazu, w znaczeniu nie ograniczonym bynajmniej do `obrazowania poetyckiego'. W zastosowaniu do Sonetów krymskich, a także liryków lozańskich Mickiewicza, obraz staje się synonimem szerzej rozumianego widzenia poetyckiego, które z kolei – podbudowane czy to „teorią widzenia” Władysława Strzemińskiego (w przypadku cyklu krymskiego), czy to tradycjami teologii mistycznej (w przypadku lozańskim) – zyskuje operacyjną użyteczność, jako kluczowa kategoria analityczno-interpretacyjna, formując zarazem nadspodziewanie niekiedy złożone układy odniesienia. W polu pojęciowym tak rozumianego obrazu jako terminu technicznego mieści się zarówno „obraz autora”, jak i problematyka genologiczna – oba te aspekty łączą się w dyskursie Maciejewskiego na temat powieści poetyckiej oraz romantycznej gawędy. W ujęciu Badacza nośnikiem obrazu (w wymiarze jednostkowo-egzystencjalnym równie dobrze, jak w wymiarze idei programowych literackiego prądu) może być bowiem nie tylko tekst literacki, rozumiany jako aktywizacja i aktualizacja określonego systemu reguł; nośnikiem obrazu może być także sam gatunek literacki. Innymi słowy, semantyka struktury występuje nie tylko po stronie parole, lecz także po stronie langue. Konsekwencją takiego podejścia jest założenie, przyjęte i zastosowane zwłaszcza w badaniach Maciejewskiego nad gawędą, że w pewnych szczególnych przypadkach pojedynczy utwór może realizować normy gatunkowe w taki sposób, że jego struktura znaczeniowa daje się wyłożyć w kategoriach metagatunkowego dyskursu. Takie właśnie założenie sugeruje nawet tytuł rozprawy Gawęda o gawędzie. Ową gawędą o gawędzie jest wstęp do antologii, to oczywiste; lecz jako gawęda o gawędzie jawi się także Maciejewskiemu Kazanie konfederackie Rzewuskiego. Analogiczne przesłanki pozwoliły Uczonemu rozstrzygnąć kwestię historycznogatunkowego statusu Marii Malczewskiego jako tekstu bez reszty przynależnego do epoki romantycznej.
EN
The sketch is concerned with selected aspects of Marian Maciejewski's thought about theory of literature. Although the scholar was first of all a historian of literature, it is not hard to notice some inclination towards creative exploration of issues connected with theory of literature in his academic writings, at least to the degree needed to solve the historico-literary problems that appeared in the course of his research. Especially genological problems aroused Maciejewski's interest − some noteworthy propositions that he presented with respect to them, even if they do not form a universal theoretical conceptualization, still they do deserve to be approached in the categories of “genological ideas”. Ideas understood in this way include the way Maciejewski uses the category of image, in the meaning that is by no means limited to “poetical imagery”. Applied to Mickiewicz's Crimean Sonnets, as well as to his Lausanne lyrics, the image becomes a synonym of more broadly understood poetical vision, that, in turn − supported either by Władysław Strzemiński's “theory of vision” (in the case of the Crimean series), or by traditions of mystical theology (in the case of the Lausanne poems) − gains operational utility, as a key analytical-interpretative category, at the same time forming often unexpectedly complex frames of reference. In the notional field of so understood image as a technical term both the “image of the author” and the genological issue are contained - both these aspects are joined in Maciejewski's discourse about the poetical novel and the Romantic tale. This is because in the scholar's approach not only a literary text, understood as activation and actualization of a defined system of rules may be the carrier of the image (in the individual-existential dimension as well as in the dimension of program ideas of a literary current): also the very literary genre may be the carrier. In other words, the semantics of the structure occurs not only on the side of the parole, but also on the side of the langue. The consequence of such an approach is the ssumption, made and applied especially in Maciejewski's studies of the tale, that in certain particular cases an individual work may realize genre norms in such a way that its meaning structure can be explained in the categories of a meta-genre discourse. It is exactly this assumption that is suggested by the very title of the treatise A Tale About the Tale”. This tale about the tale is an introduction to an anthology, which is obvious; however, also Rzewuski's A Confererate Sermon appears to Maciejewski as a tale about the tale. Analogical premises have allowed the scholar to decide the question of the historico-literary status of Malczewski's Maria as of a text completely belonging to the Romantic epoch.
EN
From certain point of view a desperate defense of an aesthetic doctrine of classicism, undertaken by Jan Śniadecki, a Polish mathematician and astronomer of the eighteenth century, resembles the E. R. Curtius’ thesis on “Latinism” as a universal factor integrating European culture; it may be stated that post-Stanislavian classical writers in Poland were driven by the same “concern for the preservation of Western culture” which motivated Ernst Robert Curtius in the times of the Third Reich and after its collapse. But the noble-minded intentions were in both cases grounded on similarly distorted perspective, which ensued from a mistificatory attitude towards a non-Latin heritage of the European culture. The range of that mystification or delusion has been fully revealed by findings made by modern so-called new comparative mythology/philology. Another aspect of the problem is an uniform model of the Middle Ages, partially correlated with the Enlightenment-based stereotype of “the dark Middle Ages”, which despite of its anachronism existed in literary studies for a surprisingly long period of time. Although the Romantic Movement of 18th – 19th centuries has been quite correctly acknowledged as an anti-Latinistic upheaval, its real connections with certain traditions of Middle Ages still remain not properly understood. Some concepts concerning Macpherson’s The Works of ossian, put forward by modern ethnology, may yield clues to the research on the question. As suggested by Joseph Falaky Nagy, Macpherson’s literary undertaking may by looked into as a parallel to Acallam na Senórach compiled in Ireland between 11th and 13th centuries: in both cases to respond to threats to the Gaelic culture there arose a literary monument and compendium of the commendable past with the core based on the Fenian heroic tradition that was the common legacy for the Irish and Highlanders. Taking into consideration some other evidence, it can be ascertained that Celtic and Germanic revival initiated in the second half of 18th century was not only one of the most important impulses for the Romantic Movement, but it was also, in a sense, an actual continuation of the efforts of mediaeval writers and compilers (Geoffrey of Monmouth, Snorri Sturluson, Saxo Grammaticus, anonymous compilers of Lebor gabála Érenn and Acallam, Wincenty Kadłubek), who would successfully combine Latin, i.e. classical, and ecclesiastical erudition with a desire to preserve and adapt in a creative way their own “pagan” and “barbarian” legacy.  A special case of this (pre)Romantic revival concerns Slavic cultures, in particular the Polish one. Lack of source data on the oldest historical and cultural tradition of Slavic languages, especially in the Western region, and no record about Slavic tradition in highbrow literary culture induced two solutions: the first one was a production of philological forgeries (like Rukopis královédvorský and Rukopis zelenohorský), the second one was an attempt to someway reconstruct that lost heritage. Works of three Romantic historians, W. Surowiecki, W. A. Maciejowski, F. H. Lewestam, shows the method. Seemingly contradicting theories they put forward share common ground in aspects which are related to the characteristics of the first Slavic societies: a sense of being native inhabitants, pacifism, rich natural resources based on highly-effective agriculture, dynamic demography, a flattened social hierarchy and physical prowess. The fact of even greater importance is that the image of that kind has the mythological core, the circumstance which remains hitherto unnoticed. Polish historians not only tended to identify historical ancient Slavs with mythical Scandinavian Vanir (regarding it obvious), but also managed to recall the great Indo-European theme of ”founding conflict” (in Dumézilian terms), despite whole that mythological model being far beyond the horizon of knowledge at that time. Despite all anachronisms, lack of knowledge and instrumental involvement in aesthetic, political or religious ideology, Romanticism really started the restitution of the cultural legacy of the Middle Ages, also in domain of linguistic and philological research. The consequences of that fact should be taken into account in literary history studies. 
EN
The contemporary discrepancy between the humanityes and the mathematical and natural sciences prompts a retrospective rethinking of the set of historical circumstances that have led to the breakdown of scientific life into isolated domains (‘the two cultures’, as C. Snow called it). As a result of this break-up, natural science mystifies the humanities, humanities mystify mathematical and natural sciences. The dispute dispute takes on an ideological colour, turning into a competition for a monopoly on the power to define reality. In this context, Dilthey’s concept of establishing the humanities as a kind of inversion of the natural sciences becomes perversely topical, all the more so, the influence of this concept on the self-definition of humanities. According to the approach presented in the article, Dilthey’s postulate of the scientific sovereignty of humanistic research, completely independent from empirical and mathematical natural science, is in this approach an intermediate link between the two phenomena. The first is the escapist reaction of the artistic community to the seventeenth-century scientific revolution; the second − a conglomerate of such contemporary trends as sociological biophobia and anti-naturalism (aspects of cultural constructivism) or attempts to semiologize contemporary physical theories. Out of necessity, these tendencies are only roughly outlined here with the awareness that they themselves constitute a multifaceted research issue. Thus, in the article, Dilthey’s philosophy of the humanities comes to the fore, especially those aspects that show a sufficiently clear analogy to the crisis of the 17th century and at the same time submit to a sufficiently justified interpretation as one of the premises of the contemporary conflict of sciences.
PL
Współczesny rozdźwięk między humanistyką a naukami matematyczno-przyrodniczymi skłania do powtórnego przemyślenia zespołu historycznych okoliczności, które doprowadziły do rozpadu życia naukowego na odizolowane od siebie domeny („dwie kultury” Charlesa Snowa). W efekcie tego rozpadu przyrodoznawstwo mistyfikuje humanistykę, humanistyka mistyfikuje nauki matematyczno-przyrodnicze; konflikt nabiera ideologicznego zabarwienia, przeradzając się w rywalizację o monopol na prawo do definiowania rzeczywistości.  W tym kontekście Diltheyowska koncepcja ugruntowania humanistyki jako poniekąd inwersji nauk przyrodniczych, w szczególności zaś wpływ tej koncepcji na autodefinicje dyscyplin humanistycznych − nabierają dosyć przewrotnej aktualności. Według przedstawionego w artykule ujęcia Diltheyowski postulat naukowej suwerenności badań humanistycznych, pozostających w całkowitej niezależności od empirycznego i matematycznego przyrodoznawstwa, stanowi ogniwo pośrednie między dwoma zjawiskami. Pierwszym jest eskapistyczna reakcja środowisk artystycznych na siedemnastowieczną rewolucję naukową; drugim − konglomerat takich współczesnych tendencji, jak socjologiczna biofobia i antynaturalizm (aspekty konstruktywizmu kulturowego) czy próby semiologizacji współczesnych teorii fizycznych. Tendencje te z konieczności zarysowane tu zostały jedynie szkicowo, ze świadomością, że same w sobie stanowią wielopłaszczyznowe zagadnienie badawcze. Tym samym na pan pierwszy wysuwa się w artykule Diltheyowska filozofia nauk humanistycznych, a zwłaszcza te jej aspekty, które wykazują dostatecznie wyraźną analogię z kryzysem XVII w. i zarazem poddają się dostatecznie uzasadnionej wykładni jako jedna z przesłanek współczesnego konfliktu nauk.
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Danuta Paluchowska

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O Norwidzie dziewięć studiów

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11
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Danuta Paluchowska

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