The interdependence of the regional environment state with the level of enterprise development The purpose of this article is to determine to what extent the state of the regional environment, influences the development of companies located in different regions. In the first part, the paper characterizes the regional environment and presents it as a factor in the development of enterprises. In the second part, based on statistical data, the relationship between the development of regional environment and the enterprise development in individual voivodeships in 2006-2010 was examined.
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Współzależność stanu otoczenia regionalnego z poziomem rozwoju przedsiębiorstw Celem artykułu jest określenie wpływu otoczenia regionalnego na rozwój przedsiębiorstw w poszczególnych województwach. W pierwszej części artykułu scharakteryzowano otoczenie regionalne oraz przedstawiono je jako czynnik rozwoju przedsiębiorstw. W części drugiej, na podstawie danych statystycznych zbadano zależności pomiędzy stanem otoczenia regionalnego i rozwojem przedsiębiorstw w poszczególnych województwach w latach 2006-2010.
In the second half of the thirteenth century, in the Spanish South appeared a very particular organism, Islamic and very Andalusian. The birth of the emirate of Granada in 1246 was an result of the policy of Castile in the early Middle Ages. This policy based in the territorial conquest and, at the same time, tried to gain to the kingdom some new vassals. It was the main idea of Ferdinand III, who was a wise man which tried to make the Cristian and Muslim habitants of the recently conquered Andalusie live together in peace. This idea was stopped by his death in 1252. Ferdinand’s son, Alphons X, was a man with great ambitions and aspirations. The leitmotif of his reign were intents to gain the emperor’s crown. But, at the same time, he never refused the idea of the territorial expansion of Castile. His expansionism became soon dangerous to the Spanish Muslims. First, the king started to impede the life of the mudejares from the Cristian territories. This activity provoked a reaction of the emir of Granada, Muhammad I who was afraid that the next step would lead the Castilian king towards his country. Muhammad I started in the winter of 1264 an insurecction of the Andalusian mudejares. Alphons X put down the rebellion in the first months of 1265, but the situation between his kingdom and Granada was still very difficult. Alphons X was preparing a war with Muhammad I, in order to finish the existence of the last big Muslim state in the Peninsula. Then he received a surprising offer from a very strong Granadian family, named Ashqilula, deceived by the emir’s activity during the recent insurrection. The Ashqilula family, also personal enemies of the emir, offered to the king of Castile their support in the combat with Granada. The emir, scared about this, decided to exchange the neighbour state of Murcia for the kings’ refusal for the Ashqilula’s oITer. Murcia was under Castilian protectorate since 1243, but it existed with some autonomy only thanks to Granadian support. The treaty was firmed in 1265 in Alcala de Benzaide. Then Murcia was incorporated by Castile and Muhammad I met Alphons X in January of 1266, but there he discovered that the Spanish king did not want to keep his promise confirmed in the treaty. Surprisingly, Muhammad I was visited by a big Castilian noble, representing a group of political opposition towards Alphons X, composed mainly of the family of Lara. They started to be for Muhammad I the same arm against Alphons X as the Ashqilula family used to be against himself. Alphons X used to disregard the protests of his nobles and to listen to them only when he needed them. In 1272 the families Lara, de Haro and others put a confederation and they went out to Granada, after gaining by trick some money from Alphons X, then firmed some treaty of cooperation with Muhammad I, who became their feudal senior. The Spanish nobles supported the emir in some military excursion against the Ashqilula, but soon the situation changed. In the next year Muhammad I died, and was supplied by his son, Muhammad II. At the same time, the Castilian king tried to bring the opposition back, with promises and menaces. Alphons X never wanted to leave the Ashqilula alone, in order to let the emir beat them. And he disposed of the great advantage in comparison with Muhammad II, beacause the goods of his collaborators, absents in Castile, were still inside his own country, which made the menaces very real. The time was passing and the Castilian families in Granada started to change their position. The reason they went to Granada was only to press the king in order to give them some economic privileges. In Cordoba in 1274 the nobles, now keeping their king’s side, obliged Muhammad II, by trick, to accept worse conditions of the peace, without any gratification. The emir was very deceived and his reaction for the humiliate situation was the claim for the Moroccan help. The sultan Abu Yusuf came to the Peninsula with some seventeen thousands armed men, in May of 1275. This was the finish of the first scene of the relations between Castile and Granada. The frontier was established by the Muslims which decided to attack their neighbour. It was not an act of aggression, but the opposite. Granada was obliged to defend herself against the aggressive plans of a king whose ambitions were not satisfied in other occasions, like the combat for the imperial crown or, also failed, African excursions. The circumstances did not let Alphons X realize his plan, but he always had an advantage in comparison with emirs, like in the Lara’s case. In spite of this, the emirate’s aspirations was higher than only to be a financial supporter of Castile, so in 1275, when its role was diminishing quickly, its governors exposed once again its existence as the main problem of the political medieval history of the Peninsula.
Pod koniec XIX wieku kwestia rasowa nie budziła w Brazylii większych kontrowersji. Często spotykany w literaturze pięknej wizerunek Indianina był jedynie dowodem twórczej wrażliwości na znaczenie lokalnego folkloru, a stan ówczesnych nauk nie dawał żadnych podstaw do zakwestionowania wyższości rasy białej nad wszystkimi pozostałymi. Ideologię wybielenia społeczeństwa1 przyjmowano jako mądry sposób na przyspieszenie narodowego rozwoju. Uwolnionych mocą abolicji z 1888 roku czarnych niewolników w ogóle nie dostrzegano. Prymitywni mieszkańcy interioru byli dla elit synonimem wstydliwego zacofania. Dopiero opublikowana w 1902 roku książka Os sertões Euclidesa da Cunhi stała się punktem zwrotnym w dziejach interpretacji etnicznego rodowodu Brazylijczyków i jednocześnie śmiałą konceptualną alternatywą dla powszechnego rozumienia sensu i docelowej formy brazylijskiej cywilizacji. Opisana na jej kartach wojna w Canudos niczym w soczewce skupiała wszystkie brazylijskie sprzeczności i paradoksy. A samego autora z czasem uznano za prekursora nowego „gatunku” w narodowej literaturze: eseju o interpretacji Brazylii.
The paper deals with the problem of monitoring the unemployment rate in Poland. The main aim of the article is to check whether the addition of selected Google Trends indices improves the accuracy of forecasts generated by the autoregressive model of registered un-employment rate. The research method is based on nowcasting techniques which are used to assess the current state of an economy. Data for the years 2004–2019 were retrieved from publication by Statistics Poland (GUS) and Google Trends, the latter of which allows tracking the popularity of terms searched by Internet users. The study compares the goodness of fit and forecast errors of the basic model with these of models extended with exogenous variables. Both the potential and the limitations of the utilisation of a new source of data in macro-economic analyses concerning Poland are presented in the paper. The analysis yields a conclu-sion that Google indexes (commonly used in the literature written in English) do not improve the accuracy of predictions of the autoregressive model. Satisfactory results are only obtained for indices related to the international mobility of the workforce.
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W artykule podjęto problematykę monitorowania stopy bezrobocia w Polsce. Celem przedstawionego badania jest sprawdzenie, czy dołączenie wybranych indeksów Google Trends do autoregresyjnego modelu stopy bezrobocia rejestrowanego poprawia trafność generowanych przez niego prognoz. Zastosowana metoda badania opiera się na technikach nowcastingu służących do oceny bieżącego stanu gospodarki. Dane za lata 2004–2019 zostały zaczerpnięte z publikacji GUS oraz serwisu Google Trends, który pozwala na śledzenie popularności terminów wyszukiwanych przez internautów. Porównano jakość dopasowania modelu do danych oraz błędy prognoz modelu podstawowego i modeli rozszerzonych o zmienne egzogeniczne. Artykuł przedstawia zarówno potencjał, jak i ograniczenia wykorzystywania nowego źródła danych w analizach makroekonomicznych dotyczących Polski. Na podstawie przeprowadzonej analizy można uznać, że indeksy Google, powszechnie wykorzystywane w literaturze anglojęzycznej, nie poprawiają trafności predykcji modelu autoregresyjnego. Zadowalające rezultaty uzyskiwane są tylko dla indeksów związanych z międzynarodową mobilnością siły roboczej.
This paper attempts to identify the spatial relationships between synthetic measures of sustainable development and synthetic measures of institutional infrastructure development levels in Western Poland districts. The territorial scope of this study covered 112 districts in five voivodeships: Dolnośląskie, Lubuskie, Opolskie, Wielkopolskie and Zachodniopomorskie. The timeframes for this study are limited to one year (2015). Because of the multidimensionality of categories covered by the analysis, this study used TOPSISbased taxonomic measures. In order to determine the strength of spatial relationships between the districts in terms of the subject matter of this study, the analysis of spatial autocorrelation (based on the developed proprietary measures of sustainable development and of the institutional infrastructure development levels) was performed with the use of the global and local Moran’s I statistics
Searching for the true meaning of national culture and identity was one of the most important concerns of Brazilian intellectuals in the first half of the 20th Century. In his works, Fernando de Azevedo (1894–1974) was trying to show the importance of education in the culture-making processes. He also led the action of educational reforms at all levels. The paper outlines the importance of F. Azevedo’s thought in the history of Brazilian education, with special emphasis on how the national tradition should be reproduced in the way of projected reforms.
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Jednym z głównych tematów prac brazylijskich myślicieli w pierwszej połowie XX wieku było poszukiwanie prawdziwego sensu narodowej kultury i tożsamości. Fernando de Azevedo (1894–1974) w swojej twórczości stworzył koncepcję o edukacji jako głównym czynniku kulturotwórczym, a swoją działalnością społeczną próbował zreformować brazylijskie szkolnictwo na wszystkich szczeblach. Artykuł omawia znaczenie myśli F. de Azeveda w dziejach brazylijskiej edukacji na tle ówczesnych przemian politycznych w kraju, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem interpretacji historii i tradycji w kontekście postulowanych reform.
Projekty zniesienia niewolnictwa zdominowały politykę ostatniej dekady brazylijskiego cesarstwa. Nie tylko prowadziły do podziałów wewnątrz dwóch najważniejszych partii, w Izbie Deputowanych i w rządzie, ale także odcisnęły piętno na debacie publicznej i życiu społecznym. Artykuł przedstawia polityczne tło najważniejszych abolicyjnych aktów prawnych w Brazylii, a także sylwetki trzech głównych animatorów ruchu: Joaquima Nabuco, José do Patrocínio i André Rebouçasa. Abolicja w Brazylii była efektem starań zarówno liberałów jak i konserwatystów, zwolenników monarchii jak i republiki. W rzeczywistości stanowiła koniec niezwykle złożonego i wielowymiarowego procesu, w którym trudno wskazać zdecydowanych zwycięzców.
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Anti-Slavery projects determined political life thorought the whole last decade of the Brazilian Empire. Not only were they dividing two major parties, Deputee Chamber and the government, but also strongly influenced public opinion and social life. The article shows the political context of the crucial legislation acts of brazilian abolition as well as the profiles of three main abolitionist leaders – Joaquim Nabuco, José do Patrocínio and André Rebouças. Brazilian abolition was the result of the efforts of both liberal and conservative politicians, both monarchist and republican supporters; in fact it was a very complex and multidimensional process with no clear winners.
The late Middle Ages, which means for Spain the period closed between 1212 (dale of the victory in Las Navas de Tolosa), or 1248 (the conquest of Seville) and the death of Isabel the Catholic (1504) or that of her husband (1516) is one of the most classical epoch in the Spanish history. According to the commonly shared opinion, between XIIIth and XVIth century was born this Spain which exists nowadays. The late Middle Ages created the base for the „hispanity”, whose culmination could be seen during the conquest of America, when the Spanish men used to make famous for all over the world los usos de Castilla y de León. The border between kingdoms of Castille and Aragon and the emirate of Granada was in big part the forge of the Spanish national consciousness. Actual Spanish historiography apports some notes to the description of the people who lived in Iberic frontiere in the late Middle Ages. First, we can see a man whose life is closely united with the war realities. That is, moreover, why we can see almost exclusively men, not women. Presented books and articles show us a man living in permanent tension and fear towards the assault of the Granadian troops. Assault which could finish with his own or his family s death. Very often such events used to be done in order to captive people and animals. Both parts of the border between Castille and Aragon with Granada are today integral part of Spain. Although we are able to define some characteristics of the habitant of Seville, Cordoba or Valencia, by extending some observations to the people from Granada, Malaga or Almeria we would take a big risk. And the reason is that the Spanish historiography dedicate much more space for men from Castille and Aragon that those of the emirate. Apart of some difficulties in the access to sources in Arabic, there are another, and much more important circumstances determining that state of things. According to great part of Spanish historiography, the „hispanity” is European, Christian, and not Muslim. Actual Spain seeks her origins in Castille, Aragon, or Navarra (incorporated in 1512). And it seems very compatible with the ofllcial Spanish policy of today. After all, the alternative would be the necesily of admit that between Spanish relatives there are a place for Marocco, the nearest and perhaps the unique candidate for the heritage of the millenary Islam’s presense on the peninsula. The discussion about the role of the Muslim period for Spain supports the theory of her „occidental” origin. And the Orient must wait...
The aim of this article is to determine the effect of various elements of telecommunication infrastructure for the development of enterprises in individual voivodeships. In the first part of the article the present author has characterized the telecommunications infrastructure and presented it as a factor in the development of enterprises. In the second part, based on statistical data, the relationship between the development of telecommunications infrastructure and the enterprise development in individual voivodeships in 2006-2010 was examined.
The aim of this article is to define the relation between educational infrastructure of individual regions as well as enterprises development. In the first part of article an educational environments were characterized and described as a development factor of enterprises. In the second part, based on statistical data the relations were examined between educational environment and enterprises development state in individual provinces in 2007- 2011 years.
Wydana w 1942 roku Formação do Brasil Contemporâneo („Formowanie się współczesnej Brazylii”) Caio Prado Juniora to jedna z najważniejszych brazylijskich książek historycznych XX wieku. Autor przedstawia w niej oryginalną interpretację procesów społeczno- ekonomicznych okresu kolonialnego oraz ich konsekwencje dla brazylijskiej współczesności. W artykule omówiona została koncepcja Caio Prado Juniora oraz jej znaczenie w dziejach myśli brazylijskiej.
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Formação do Brasil Contemporâneo („Formation of Contemporary Brazil”) published in 1942 by Caio Prado Júnior is one of the most important Brazilian history books in the 20th century. Its author presents his original interpretation of socioeconomic processes of the colonial period as well as their consequences for the Brazilian contemporaneity. The paper discusses Caio Prado Junior’s idea and the importance of his work in the history of Brazilian thought.
Amerykanizm to jeden z kluczowych elementów myśli urugwajskiego eseisty, José Enrique Rodó. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie sposobu ewoluowania tego pojęcia w twórczości autora, z uwzględnieniem iberoamerykańskiego kontekstu filozoficzno- kulturowego oraz stosunków międzyamerykańskich na przełomie wieków XIX i XX. Szczególny nacisk został położony na heroiczny wymiar amerykanizmu, ukazany przez Rodó w tekstach o Simonie Bolivarze, Juanie Montalvo oraz José Gervasio Artigasie.
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The Americanism is one of the key concepts in the work of Uruguayan essayist, José Enrique Rodó. The aim of the paper is to present how the idea of Americanism was evolving in the author’s output, within the frames of Ibero-American philosophy and culture as well as inter-American relations in the end of 19th Century and the beginning of the 20th. Special emphasis was set on the heroic dimension of Americanism, presented by Rodó in the texts about Símon Bolívar, Juan Montalvo and José Gervasio Artigas.
W 2013 roku Centrum Studiów Latynoamerykańskich Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego opublikowało obszerną pracę zbiorową pt. Ameryka Łacińska XXI wieku. Nowe oblicza, nowe struktury, nowe tożsamości. Jest to efekt kilkuletniej pracy inicjatora i pomysłodawcy projektu (zmarłego w 2009 roku) Andrzeja Dembicza oraz kontynuatora jego dzieła, redaktora Adama Elbanowskiego.