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The Social Functions of “Solidarity”

100%
Kurczewski J.
Polish Sociological Review
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2006
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vol. 153
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issue 1
111-128
EN
The paper from 1981 on the social functions of “Solidarity” is re-published and commented from the 2006 perspective. In the original paper five pairs of the opposed functions were discussed: 1) activation vs. totalisation; 2) unification vs. polarization; 3) civilization of the opponent vs. demystification of the opponent; 4) non-egalitarian egalitarianisation; and 5) institutionalization of the change. In 2006 the author observes the continuing social function of the “Solidarity,” again the conflicting way, as the positive myth that more and more serves as normative reference in current political debates, and as the real political actor that compromised itself through the active participation in politics. The significance of the old functions is discussed in reference to the complexity of non-egalitarian egalitarianism that seems to undermine the whole transformation since 1989 and went to the fore today. The value of the “dialectical functionalism” is thus reasserted.
2
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“Solidarity” and the Martial Law in the Collective Memory of Polish History

88%
Szacka B.
Polish Sociological Review
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2006
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vol. 153
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issue 1
75-90
EN
Author analyze the processes of development of the collective memory of “Solidarity” and the martial law and try to determine their place in collective memory of Polish history. The analyze is based on data from five sociological surveys made in two periods divided by sixteenth years in which communist regime has collapsed and a new political regime emerged. The analyzes shows the ambivalent evaluation of this two events which diminish with time and “Solidarity” is more univocally seen as the positive event of Polish history and martial law as the negative one. In spite of this, the author suggest that there is no reason to think that ambivalence towards “Solidarity” and martial law will disappear completely.
3
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“Solidarity” in the Eyes of the Youngest Generation

88%
Kosiński K.
Polish Sociological Review
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2006
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vol. 153
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issue 1
91-99
EN
In autumn 1980 Swiat Młodych, a newspaper addressed to teenagers, announced a competition called “MyWorld 80–81.” By early 1981 hundreds of letters had come in. This unique source of information allows us to get a glimpse of teenagers’ perception of the birth of the “Solidarity” movement. Thanks to these letters, we can take a closer look at school discussions, conversations at the family table or disputes during school intervals. Everyday life is also reflected in these letters: queues, crowded public transport, fatigue and uncertainty. The vast majority of the letter writers sympathised with “Solidarity” although the prospect of confrontation between the regime and the inchoate movement was a source of anxiety. The authorities were largely perceived as a degenerate oligarchy. The quoted letters are also a testimony of discovery of the past and withheld historical facts and also of the search for new authorities (e.g., Czesław Miłosz). The young generation’s declarations suggest that it wanted to participate in public life with previously unparalleled gusto. Martial law nipped this positive energy in the bud.
4
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I National Congress of “Solidarity” Gdansk 1981 -a contribution to analysis

88%
Kaliski B.
Polish Sociological Review
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2006
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vol. 153
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issue 1
EN
The I National Congress of Delegates of Independent Self-Governing Trade Union “Solidarity [NSZZ “Solidarnos´c´”] meeting in Gdan´sk in September and Ocober, 1981 is considered the crowning achievement of the “Solidarity’s” organizational and ideological development. No serious and comprehensive monography has yet been written, historical or sociological. The lack of a complete text of the eighteen days of talks was one of the reasons. A shorthand report of the first tour which has been made available recently makes it possible to make some preliminary analyses of the Congress’ topics and dynamics, behaviour of the delegates and mechanisms of their decision-making. It also permits to describe their “union-like” way of thinking as well as understanding and practicing democracy. The author of the article recalls the basic statistics of the community of delegates-a sui generis trade union elite. He moreover poses questions regarding the scale of the secret services’ [SB] controlling the course of the Congress. The author favours the assumption that it was surprisingly negligible.
5
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The Original Sin of Poland’s Third Republic: Discounting “Solidarity” and its Consequences for Political Reconciliation

75%
Kubik J., Linch A.
Polish Sociological Review
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2006
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vol. 153
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issue 1
9-38
EN
“Solidarity” was one of the major causes of state socialism’s downfall and yet it has neither come to play an active and significant role in the Polish historical memory nor has it entered a canon of routinely studied “great” social movements. This neglect is related to (1) the lack of a symbolic closure of the communist period, (2) insufficient ceremonialization of “Solidarity’s” success, and the (3) the lack of public, symbolic closure of the Round Table process. A review of the literature on the problem of reconciliation after the fall of a non-democratic regime and the role of collective memory in this process allows us to argue that these three “errors” may be related to the low level of trust and the pervasive sense of corruption that are diagnosed in many empirical studies. In order to better understand these strategic errors of cultural policy we examine Poland and-briefly-several other countries where similar dilemmas were dealt with differently and, seemingly, with more success.
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