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PL
Artykuł ten ukazuje prace i walki mieszkańców Węgrowa oraz otaczających go ziem na rzecz niepodległości Polski na tle tego rodzaju aktywności Polaków w całym Królestwie Polskim i Generalnym Gubernatorstwie Warszawskim. Unaocznia, że odzyskanie niepodległości w listopadzie 1918 roku i jej przygotowywanie w okresie Pierwszej wojny Światowej , nie było w żadnym razie dziełem przypadku. Zaistniało nie tylko w wyniku gwałtownych, tragicznych, krwawych i bohaterskich polskich działań zbrojnych, ale mogło nastąpić jako rezultat długotrwałej, mozolnej, mało efektownej, a jakże potrzebnej aktywności obywatelskowspólnotowej Polaków - pracy oświatowo-wychowawczej, samopomocowej i charytatywnej oraz organizacyjnej czy wreszcie administracyjno-zarządczej.
EN
The article shows work and struggles of citizens of Węgrów and the surrounding lands for the independence of Poland against the background of this kind of activities of Poles in the Kingdom of Poland and General Government of Warsaw. It makes evident that regaining the independence in November 1918 and its preparing during the First Word War was not a coincidence. It come into being not only due to violent, tragic, bloody and heroic Polish military actions. It could have happened as a result of long-lasting, arduous, not glamorous but very needed civic and community- based activities of Poles – educational, self-help, charitable, organizational, administrative and managerial.
EN
This essay addresses issues of periodization, with a specific focus on the importance (or overvaluation) of the reconstruction of the Polish State and its effects and consequences on contemporary Polish culture and literature: in fact, 1918 was perceived as a turning point and as an ideal boundary between an old and a new era. At the same time, different opinions about the “limits of modernity” in Polish culture and literature were discussed, emphasizing the longue durée of such cultural macrophenomena as the “romantic paradigm” or “Sarmatian” mentality and their significant impacts on the processes of continuity and discontinuity of culture. Searching for a merely literary explanation for the periodization of this first troubled period of the “short century”, the author stresses the importance of two texts by Julian Tuwim, Spring (1918) and You All, Go Kiss My Ass (1938), which feature all the euphoria of the beginning and the drama of the end of the period. The article also offers an initial attempt at an Italian translation of the Tuwimian Poem in which the author politely but firmly implores the vast hosts of his brethren to kiss his ass.
EN
This essay addresses issues of periodization, with a specific focus on the importance (or overvaluation) of the reconstruction of the Polish State and its effects and consequences on contemporary Polish culture and literature: in fact, 1918 was perceived as a turning point and as an ideal boundary between an old and a new era. At the same time, different opinions about the “limits of modernity” in Polish culture and literature were discussed, emphasizing the longue durée of such cultural macrophenomena as the “romantic paradigm” or “Sarmatian” mentality and their significant impacts on the processes of continuity and discontinuity of culture. Searching for a merely literary explanation for the periodization of this first troubled period of the “short century”, the author stresses the importance of two texts by Julian Tuwim, Spring (1918) and You All, Go Kiss My Ass (1938), which feature all the euphoria of the beginning and the drama of the end of the period. The article also offers an initial attempt at an Italian translation of the Tuwimian Poem in which the author politely but firmly implores the vast hosts of his brethren to kiss his ass.
EN
This paper examines how Latvian communities abroad reacted to and were influenced by a change of the first magnitude in the political life of their homeland, namely, the proclamation of the Republic of Latvia on November 18, 1918. News of the proclamation, first of all, necessitated diaspora Latvians choosing attitudes towards the new phenomenon, which highlighted the political pre‑dispositions of the different groups within the diaspora. Polarisation of opinions was followed shortly by a wave of activities both in support of and against the new Republic. These activities included gathering financial resources for war victims and state institutions in Latvia, public relations campaigns in diaspora host countries, political lobbying etc. The establishment of the Republic of Latvia also profoundly influenced and intensified the internal formation processes within the diaspora. A marked increase of activity is observable in all fields of engagement that are characteristic of an active ethno‑national diaspora: the internal organisational structure was further developed; contacts with the homeland intensified; mutual links between geographically distant diaspora groups became closer. The great political changes in the homeland gave the Latvian diaspora the push necessary to fully develop and become an active ethno‑national diaspora.
EN
This article presents events of the exceptionally stormy month in the capital of Poland at the time the country was regaining independence. Warsaw was the arena and focal point of the most significant political events: the return of Józef Piłsudski after his release from the Magdeburg prison, the formation of the new Polish government, the excitement of the people of Warsaw that mixed with their uncertainty about the future, about security in the streets and economic difficulties-and all these were accompanied with equally turbulent events in the theatres and around them. November 1918 gave rise to some legends, which, perpetuated in memoirs, misshape the truth about the events of that period. While citing such accounts, the author attempts to establish the true turn of events based on contemporary press publications that were very thorough in reporting the events. The author quotes these press reports or their excerpts. They often reappear for the first time since their publication, and taken together, they make up a fascinating, albeit fragmentary, mosaic showing what the November 1918 theatre in Warsaw was like. Though the fast pace of events does indeed bring to mind a kaleidoscope rather than a simple mosaic.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia wydarzenia wyjątkowo burzliwego miesiąca w chwili odzyskiwania przez Polskę niepodległości. Warszawa była wówczas miejscem szczególnym. Rozgrywały się tu i ogniskowały najważniejsze wydarzenia: powrót marszałka Józefa Piłsudskiego po uwolnieniu go z magdeburskiego więzienia, początki tworzenia nowego polskiego rządu, euforia mieszkańców miasta mieszająca się z obawami o przyszłość kraju i bezpieczeństwo na ulicach, trudności gospodarcze. Na to wszystko nakładały się równie burzliwe wydarzenia w teatrach i wokół nich. Listopad 1918 roku obrósł także legendami, które – utrwalone w literaturze pamiętnikarskiej – zniekształcały obraz rozgrywających się wówczas wydarzeń. Autor, przywołując te relacje, stara się ustalić prawdziwy bieg wypadków, posługując się ówczesną, rzetelnie informującą, prasą. Przytacza ówczesne publikacje lub ich fragmenty, z których większość pojawia się po raz pierwszy w kontekście badań teatrologicznych. Zebrane razem i przedstawione w artykule pokazują – choćby w części – fascynującą mozaikę, jaką stanowił w listopadzie 1918 roku warszawski teatr. Zmienność tych wydarzeń każe nawet myśleć, że mamy do czynienia z kalejdoskopem.
6
Content available remote

Andrzej Pronaszko, Wspomnienia. Obrona Lwowa

83%
EN
Andrzej Pronaszko’s text in the current issue of Pamiętnik Teatralny is a previously unpublished account of the artist participation in the defence of Lvov in 1918. It is a part of the memoirs written by the artist in the 1950s, the manuscript of which is being kept in the collection of the Theatre Museum in Warsaw. Among other things, Pronaszko recalls how he fought for the Citadel and Main Post Office, how he helped to stop a military’s drinking bout in a villa in Sykstuska Street, and how, in recognition of his merits, he was sent to the critical Bem Sector with the mission to establish order and discipline among the soldiers. He also claims that he took command of the left wing and managed to regain possession of the Wolność (Freedom) Street. Andrzej Pronaszko’s notes are a valuable source for his biography and an addition to historical studies and literature devoted to the Defence of Lvov. They require, however, critical reading and careful comparison with other historical sources.
EN
At the end of 1918, Romania exits the Great War as a victorious country, following a German occupation and double change in political alliances. The after-war years are dedicated to the national unification, political and cultural alike; there is much talk in the public agenda of starting anew and the ethical dimension of this renewing process is obviously of highest priority. The present paper aims to examine a specific element of the Romanian public agenda at the end of 1918 and beginning of 1919: the press campaigns dealing with the aftermath of the occupation years, specifically the case of war profiteers, during the first months following the war. Based on various forms of press campaigns aiming to expose the war profiteers, this article showcases the ad-hominem literary pamphlet, largely present in the Romanian press during the immediate post-war years. Seen as an intermediate genre (closely related to the press in terms of form and immediate purpose, but claiming literary status for its use of techniques and structures borrowed from literature), the literary pamphlet is used in the Romanian press of ’18–’19 for its symbolical charge and as a substitute for ‘real’ social justice.
EN
The article presents the discussions and voting of the titular representative bodies on the Polish issue in 1918. Analysis of transcripts of speeches and parliamentary discussions as well as their summaries and press debates showed that the issue of rebuilding the Polish state was considered by the parliaments of Prussia and the Reich in autumn of 1918 to have been decided, while issues that remained open included the degree of independence afforded to Poland, its attitude towards Germany and the shape of the Polish-German border. Both parliamentary forums provided politicians with an opportunity to present a broad, diversified spectrum of views on the Polish question.
EN
The article presents the course of peace conference between the Ukrainian State (UD) and the Soviet Russia (RSFRR) held in Kiev from May till October 1918. Its convening was anticipated by the German-Russian peace treaty of 3 March 1918. In contrast to negotiations in Lithuanian Brzesc, this time the Bolshevik diplomacy proved to be more efficient than the Ukrainian one. It managed to suppress German military pressure, delay ad acta the signing of the peace treaty, and, owing to the activity of delegation members, achieve a rise in revolutionary spirits in Ukraine. The Ukrainian party did not manage to delimitate the state border or provide protection for its citizens on the territory of the Soviet Russia. The only success of the conference was the signing of preliminary treaty on 12 June 1918. Afterwards, its activity was terminated. Moscow and Kiev held differing views on all fundamental matters: boundary line; the principles of legal succession after the Russian Empire, and, in consequence, the distribution of its equities and assets; civil affiliation of its inhabitants; and finally, the principles of mutual economic relations. UD did not possess effective tools to exert pressure on RSFRR, and its German ally was not willing to enter a conflict with Bolsheviks over somebody else-s interests. The defeat of Central States eliminated the last factor that impelled Moscow to negotiate with Kiev. Similarly to the previous year, Moscow decided to regulate mutual relations on military grounds.
EN
The Vistula Pomeranian (the former Prussian province of West Prussia) remained the longest dependent part of the partitioning power of Poland, which was reborn after 1918. In the second half of the nineteenth century, the Polish population of these lands, whose original ethnic component was Kashubians, strengthened their national awareness under the influence of modernisation processes. As in the entire Prussian partition, the dominant factor here was the idea of national solidarity built around an attachment to Catholicism. The defeat of Germany in World War I was associated by the local Poles with the incorporation of Pomeranian lands into the borders of the Polish Republic. The decisions of the Paris Conference of 1919 were awaited with hope and enthusiasm. Independence, however, brought disappointment caused by the economic crisis, as well as the inability of the central authorities to deal with the native population. Against this background, there were conflicts and misunderstandings throughout the entire interwar period. After 1920, the slogans of regional particularism gained popularity among the indigenous Pomeranian population. However, the German threat of the yoke forced local political and social activists to respond to the idea of unification of Pomeranian lands with the rest of the country, pushed by the central authorities.
11
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Warszawski listopad teatralny 1918

83%
EN
“A November 1918 Calendar of Warsaw Theatres: The Breakthrough Days” by Tomasz Mościcki presents events of the exceptionally stormy month in the capital of Poland at the time the country was regaining independence. Warsaw was a special place. It was the arena and focal point of the most significant political events: the return of Józef Piłsudski after his release from the Magdeburg prison, the formation of the new Polish government, the excitement of the people of Warsaw that mixed with their uncertainty about the future, about security in the streets and economic difficulties—and all these were accompanied with equally turbulent events in the theatres and around them.The author looks back on the repertories of dramatic theatres and the Opera, as well as the numerous “fringe” theatres, the cabarets. The latter were the quickest to respond to the unfolding events, often assuming the role of “spoken newspapers” that commented on the abruptly changing reality with the speed of lightning. They were the ones that functioned as Zeittheater, as opposed to the more respectable dramatic stages that proved to be too self-absorbed to really take note of the events. In November 1918, the dramatic theatres experienced something that would soon change the course of their history. Warsaw municipal theatres, managed so far by actors’ associations that had existed since 1915, were taken over by the city hall, following numerous debates and arguments in the municipal council and the press. The takeover took place just when Poland re-emerged as an independent country after 123 years under the yoke of foreign powers. At the same time, the Warsaw opera suffered one of the most acute crises in its history: the general manager resigned in the aftermath of a strike of the employees, and the future of the stage looked very uncertain indeed. November 1918 gave rise to some legends, which, perpetuated in memoirs, misshape the truth about the events of that period. While citing such accounts, the author attempts to establish the true turn of events based on contemporary press publications that were very thorough in reporting the events. The author quotes these press reports or their excerpts. They often reappear for the first time since their publication, and taken together, they make up a fascinating, albeit fragmentary, mosaic showing what the November 1918 theatre in Warsaw was like. Though the fast pace of events does indeed bring to mind a kaleidoscope rather than a static mosaic.
Facta Simonidis
|
2017
|
vol. 10
|
issue 1
243-259
EN
The first pogrom in Kielce took place on 11 and 12 November 1918. The reason for these events was unjust accusation of Jews by some Poles desiring to create a Jewish state in Poland the so called Judeo-Polonia. Riots took place on November 11 during the meeting of the Zionists, which took place at the Apollo Theatre. As a result of some unexplained to this day circumstances Kielce citizens attacked Zionists gathered in the theater, which resulted in the death of four Jews. In this article the Polish-Jewish relations, the course of the pogrom, and its aftermath will be presented.
PL
Pierwszy pogrom w Kielcach miał miejsce w dniach 11-12 listopada 1918 r. Powodem tych wydarzeń były niesłuszne oskarżenia wysuwane przez niektórych Polaków wobec starozakonnych o chęć stworzenia w Polsce państwa żydowskiego, tzw. Judeo-Polonii. Do wybuchu zamieszek doszło w dniu 11 listopada w trakcie zebrania syjonistów, które miało miejsce w Teatrze Apollo. W wyniku niewyjaśnionych do dnia dzisiejszego okoliczności część kielczan zaatakowała zgromadzonych w teatrze syjonistów. Śmierć poniosło czterech Żydów. W ramach artykułu zaprezentowane będą relacje polsko-żydowskie w Kielcach, przebieg pogromu i jego skutki.
EN
The article focuses on the representation of the year 1918 in Latvian literature. On November 18, the independent Republic of Latvia was proclaimed, and in the years to come international recognition of the state’s sovereignty followed. In retrospect, this event stimulated a number of salutary descriptions and interpretations and certainly provides a milestone in the history of the Latvian nation. It is, however, also important to discuss the proclamation of independence in the context of the Great War that brought a lot of suffering to the inhabitants of Latvia. Therefore, a critical evaluation of the events preceding the year 1918 is certainly worthy of discussion. The article first sketches the historical and geopolitical contexts of the period immediately before and during the Great War as well as the changed situation in its aftermath. This introduction is followed by a discussion of the novel 18 (2014) by the contemporary Latvian author Pauls Bankovskis (b. 1973) that provides a critical retrospective of the events leading to the proclamation of the nation state from a twenty-first century perspective. Bankovskis employs an intertextual approach, engaging with a number of earlier publications dealing with the same topic. Among the authors included are Anna Brigadere, Aleksandrs Grīns, Sergejs Staprāns, Mariss Vētra, and others. The paper contextualizes the contribution of these writers within the larger historical picture of the Great War and the formation of the nation states and speculates on the contemporary relevance of the representation of direct experience, and the use of written sources related to these events.
EN
This study is devoted to Soviet foreign policy towards the Ottoman Empire in the year 1918. Following a short survey of contemporary research on these questions, the author focuses upon analysis of the goals that Soviet foreign policy pursued in its relations with the Ottoman Empire in the period studied, and problems implicated in them which it had to face. From this vantage point he then describes steps taken by Soviet Russia in the face of Ottoman expansion in Transcaucasia after the conclusion of the peace treaty of Brest-Litevsk. In his conclusion the author outlines the main causes of the Soviet failure to prevent the aforementioned expansion.
EN
The independence of newly born (or reborn) states at the end of 1918 raised the question of the future of the aristocratic families who had built their position in the pre‑war empires. An interesting example of such dilemmas arose in Poland. This was connected with the fate of two originally German‑speaking families. One of them was a branch of the imperial Habsburg family that settled in Żywiec (German: Saybush) in western Galicia. The other: rich and powerful family of Hofburg von Pless having their main seat in Pszczyna (German: Pless) in Prussian Upper Silesia. They were both members of the absolute elite of European aristocracy, being related to many noble and royal families and playing important roles in the political and economic life of Austro‑Hungary and Germany. What they also had in common was the fact, that their estates were located in a borderland between different ethnic and national groups. After the end of World War One, almost all these properties became part of the independent Polish state. As a result, the new administration treated the families with serious distrust. However, their national choices were different: the Habsburgs of Żywiec started to consider themselves as pure Polish, while the Hofburgs radically adhered to their German self‑identity. This article shows what the criteria were behind these choices.
EN
This paper investigates the situation of Galician refugees in the Habsburg Empire during the last year of the First World War. The majority of the refugees returned home following the eastward movement of the frontline in 1915 (i.e. after the Gorlice‑Tarnów campaign). However, many others stayed deep within the Austro‑Hungarian Empire till the end of the war. According to the official reports of the Ministry of the Interior, there were still 90 thousand refugees (25% Poles, 28% Jews, and 46% Ukrainians, then known as Ruthenians) receiving social benefits from the state in the Austrian part of the Empire on 1st September 1918. Moreover, one can add countless refugees who stayed in the interior of the Empire at their own expense. The situation became even more complicated when the feelings of enmity on the part of the local inhabitants escalated. Pressed by society, the local authorities started expelling the refugees. As a consequence, some of them returned home, while others still stayed in exile in search of a better life. What is even more interesting is that some of them (mostly Jews) emphasised the lack of a bond with the new Polish state born in November 1918.
EN
This article deals with the issues of physical violence and criminal law in Czechoslovakia immediately after World War One. It poses the question of how the state responded to an increase in criminality in terms of the criminal law and of the enforcement of the will of collective participants through violence. Based on the study of contemporary deliberations on a new legislature by lawyers, judges and legislators, this article researches the importance of newly adopted norms of criminal law, as well as proclamations of amnesties and granting pardons in order to strengthen the authority of the state and to consolidate the internal political situation.
PL
Pierwszy pogrom w Kielcach miał miejsce w dniach 11-12 listopada 1918 r. Powodem tych wydarzeń było niesłuszne oskarżenia wysuwane przez niektórych Polaków wobec starozakonnych o chęć stworzenia w Polsce państwa żydowskiego tzw. Judeo- Polonii. Do wybuchu zamieszek doszło w dniu 11 listopada w trakcie zebrania syjonistów, które miało miejsce w Teatrze Apollo. W wyniku niewyjaśnionych do dnia dzisiejszego okoliczności część kielczan zaatakowała zgromadzonych w teatrze syjonistów. Śmierć wtedy poniosło czterech Żydów. W ramach artykułu zaprezentowane będą relacje polsko- żydowskie w Kielcach, przebieg pogromu i jego skutki.
EN
The first pogrom in Kielce took place on 11 and 12 November 1918. The reason for these events was unjust accusation of Jews by some Poles desiring to create a Jewish state in Poland the so called Judeo-Polonia. Riots took place on November 11 during the meeting of the Zionists, which took place at the Apollo Theatre. As a result of some unexplained to this day circumstances Kielce citizens attacked Zionists gathered in the theater, which resulted in the death of four Jews. In this article the Polish-Jewish relations, the course of the pogrom, and its aftermath will be presented.
19
67%
EN
The year 1918 as reflected in the development of Czech terminology The objective of this article is to generally map the development of selected terminological nomenclatures with emphasis on the changes after 1918. We will outline the historical background on which the terminological work after 1918 was built, and illustrate the main terminological systems which were developed or stabilized after 1918. We will concentrate on the newly developing electro-technical, automobile, aircraft terminology and similar industries.
EN
Cracow theatre played a special part in the Polish ritual of passage from subjugation to independence in 1918 and soon became an object of intense mythologizing itself. Its origins can be traced back to the premieres of Polish Romantic theatre staged in Cracow and the influence exerted by Stanisław Wyspiański who used the language of myths and the symbolism of remnants, being also a deconstructivist who redefined the dominant tropes, legends, and symbols of his time. When there was a need to create new myths at the time of building the Second Polish Republic, Wyspiański and the Romantics provided the inspiration as well. The legend of Józef Piłsudski as the national saviour and the myth of “holly” Legions became key ingredients of the new narrative. The article describes how they functioned in the Cracow theatre until the outbreak of the Second World War. Piłsudski was fashioned to be the new “Spirit King” from the Król-Duch poem by Słowacki and the new Konrad from Mickiewicz’s Dziady (Forefathers Eve) and Wyspiański’s Wyzwolenie (Liberation). The process of mythologizing, which intensified after the coup in May 1926, spread all over town, and all over the country, taking over public emotions and public spaces to celebrate Piłsudski and the Legions in great public performances. The burial of Słowacki’s remains, brought over from France to be interred in the Wawel Cathedral, and then the monumental funeral of Piłsudski where a similar rite was observed served the same mythologizing purpose. The last event of this kind was a monumental outdoor staging of Hymn na cześć oręża polskiego (A Hymn to the Polish Armed Forces) by Ludwik Hieronim Morstin at the Wawel Castle in August 1939. The three performances froze historical time, as it were, turning it into a cyclic funerary ritual and holiday.
PL
Teatr krakowski odegrał szczególną rolę w rytuale przejścia od zniewolenia do wolności odzyskanej w 1918 i szybko sam stał się obiektem silnej mitologizacji. Jej źródło stanowią zrealizowane na tej scenie prapremiery polskiego repertuaru romantycznego oraz wpływ, jaki wywarł Stanisław Wyspiański, posługujący się językiem mitu i symboliką szczątków, zarazem dekonstruktor redefiniujący zastane tropy, legendy i symbole. Gdy w latach budowania drugiej Rzeczypospolitej pojawiła się potrzeba stworzenia nowych mitów, sięgano m.in. do romantyków i Wyspiańskiego. Jednym z istotnych nurtów nowej narracji była legenda Józefa Piłsudskiego - narodowego wybawcy - oraz mit „świętych” Legionów. W artykule podjęto próbę omówienia ich funkcjonowania w teatrze krakowskim aż po moment wybuchu drugiej wojny światowej. Na nowego Króla-Ducha z poematu Słowackiego i nowego Konrada z Dziadów Mickiewicza i Wyzwolenia Wyspiańskiego był kreowany Piłsudski. Wzmagający się, szczególnie po przewrocie majowym w 1926, proces mitologizacji oraz rozrastania się piłsudczykowskich i legionowych performansów celebracyjnych ogarnął z czasem całe miasto, a nawet kraj, zagarniając zarówno zbiorowe afekty, jak i przestrzeń publiczną. Służyły temu wielkie performanse funebralne, takie jak wawelski pochówek sprowadzonych z Francji szczątków Słowackiego, a następnie monumentalny pogrzeb Piłsudskiego, który odbył się z zachowaniem podobnego rytu. Ostatnim widowiskiem o podobnym charakterze była monumentalna plenerowa inscenizacja Hymnu na cześć oręża polskiego Ludwika Hieronima Morstina wystawiona na Wawelu w sierpniu 1939. Te trzy performance niejako wstrzymywały zbiorowo doświadczany, historyczny czas i wprawiały go w stan cyklicznego, funebralnego rytuału-święta.
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