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EN
Epigraphy has developed many methods aimed at establishing a more or less precise foundation date of a given inscription. The present article concentrates on the so-called internal criteria of dating connected with the content of engravings. Basing on the collection of sacral inscriptions from ancient Aquileia, I intend to indicate which elements of engravings are significant in directly or indirectly establishing a foundation date (or period) of an inscription. The example of Aquileia suggests that while researching the chronology of religious life in chosen Roman cities one may expect that the share of inscriptions dated in an unqualified way will not exceed several percent within a collection of epigraphic material from a given cult centre. In such a case, it is necessary to use inscriptions dated indirectly, basing on clues that can be found in the content and the form of engravings. The least precise dating method is concerned with external criteria, such as the type of material used in inscriptions, their decoration and paleographic features. A more precise date indication can be established by analysing inscriptions with reference to particular elements that constitute their content as well as manner of expression (orthography, style, abbreviations, formulas). A mention of a famous, historical person in an inscription is a valuable means of accuracy improvement in dating. Of course, there are cases of inscriptions made many years after the death of the person mentioned, which may result in incorrect dating; however, this fallacy concerns mainly commemorative inscriptions and to a lesser extent sacral ones. All tituli sacri from Aquileia that mention historical persons are contemporary to them. The dating of these inscriptions was facilitated by their content as they contain terms connected with Roman army and administration. Extended names of army units or offices and officials of various ranks present in the engravings are often the only premise for establishing their terminus post quem. Nevertheless, it is worth remembering that the onomastic criterion should be deemed complementary to other dating premises. The complementarity of various apparently meaningless elements is often the only way to establish the chronology of such invaluable sources as Roman sacral inscriptions.
EN
The subject of women fighting as gladiators at the Roman arenas is covered with a cloud of neglect. Despite literary evidence and archaeological data, there has been no consensus among the scholars regarding female participation in the gladiatorial games. The fact that women took part in combats functions more often within a sphere of the twentieth century movie fantasy then in the works of academics. The problem has been treated marginally mainly due to scarce evidence, although there are seven ancient writers who provide short excerpts regarding women involved with the munera. Archaeological artefacts, on the other hand, are so far limited to two known examples, the Halicarnassus relief and a statuette from Hamburg. However scanty our information is, the evidence of women-gladiators proves that female fighters did exist and that their popularity was undeniable. It was the attractiveness of watching female gladiatorial combats that elevated the splendour of the regular Roman games. It was also the fascination with women-gladiators which, had a direct impact on high-class Roman women to get actively involved in the munera, which resulted in two decrees forbidding women to take part in arena combats. Having analysed ancient written texts, this paper aims to present the general attitude that the Romans had towards women who were involved with the munera. The main argument focuses on the presentation of an oil lamp with a discus which holds an image of two female gladiators. Careful study of this lamp supports the thesis that women fighting at the arena could take part in both regular combats as well as mock battles and that their presence at the arena, although not quite so regular, was supposed to enhance the glamour of the munera. The paper presents the analysis of the scene with two female gladiators, whom I believe to be performing roles of the Amazons; additionally, it provides a comparison between this image and the iconography of gladiatorial themes on other oil lamps. With new archaeological evidence in mind, the paper further examines reasons for the limitation of archaeological data on female gladiators. The aim of this paper is to prove that the combats between women-gladiators were unique, highly popular and had an immediate impact on the female part of the audience.
EN
The aim of the paper is to present basic information concerning legal regulations of fire protection and the status of fire brigades in the ancient Rome. The basis of these considerations are the available sources, mostly the Law of XII Tables and the title of the 15th book of Justinian Digests. The author concludes that due to constant disrespect of described fire norms fires remained the common plague of the inhabitants of the ancient Rome.
EN
If the museums serve, among other things, to preserve the cultural heritage of mankind, we can then see the calendar as a museum of human feasts and festivals. At least since antiquity, they have revolved around two basic principles, life (birth, regeneration, harvest, fertility…) and death. And it is the cult of worship of deceased ancestors and the associated celebrations that stand at the beginning of many celebrated festivals and tradition even today. In antiquity, the remembrance of the dead greatly varied in their forms. And one of the most visible forms was the post-mortem masks and portraits. These are today the „showcase“ of a number of world museums, showing the complexity of the funerary practices of ancient civilizations. In Rome, this phenomenon is called imagines maiorum and is an essential element in the Roman cult of ancestors.
PL
The  most important source for the research into weaving products are excavated fabrics. By defining its weave, spin direction of the thread, raw materials used or the employed dyestuff the origin of the fabric may be determined, as well as the loom on which it was weft. Iconography is also greatly useful in the reconstruction of weaving work.  The first loom known inRomewas the vertical warp-weighted loom. This loom, despite offering the possibility of weaving very broad fabrics, quickly went out of use inItaly, probably because weaving on it requires earlier preparation, such as weaving the starting border. Also, we do not know any representation of this type of loom in Roman art.   The vertical two-beam loom resembles the warp-weighted loom, with the exception that the row of weights is replaced with a horizontal beam. It is easier to use, as it does not require preliminary work, so weaving can be begun at once.     We also know representations of this loom in Roman art, which facilitate the reconstruction of its use in antiquity. The most interesting issue is the question of familiarity with the horizontal loom. The written sources do not mention it, nor is there any representation in art that we know of, therefore we must rely on what the fabrics themselves present. However, one may venture a claim that the more complicated the pattern, the greater the likelihood of the horizontal loom having been used.   Furthermore, its knowledge might be attested to by the contents of Diocletian’s edict. One cannot underestimate the evidence for the existence of a horizontal loom, yet it should be assumed that it had not been introduced on a wide scale. Consequently, it appears that the Romans made use primarily of vertical looms, with the prevalence, from the turn of of the two-beam loom.  
Studia Historica Nitriensia
|
2018
|
vol. 22
|
issue 2
317 – 334
EN
The paper analyzes and compares methods and accuracy of the descriptions of ancient Roman monuments in two important Old Bohemian travelogues from the beginning of the 17th century: the Pilgrimage of Christopher Harant of Polzice and Bezdruzice (1564 – 1621; travelogue printed in 1608) and the travelogue of Friedrich of Donin (ca. 1574 – 1634; travelogue preserved in a single manuscript). Both travelogues are richly illustrated. They describe both specific monuments of the city of Rome at the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries as well as the types of monuments not all of which are of Roman origin, but can also be found in Rome (such as obelisks and pyramids). In his account, Donin prefers to provide general information about the monuments rather than to describe his own journey. However, due to the missing page, we do not know the exact beginning of his description. The descriptions are chronological: first, he depicts the monuments of pagan Rome; second, Christian churches and basilicas; and, finally, the secular buildings of Christian Rome. The preserved part of the account of Roman pagan monuments starts topographically with the Vespasianic Templum Pacis and the Palatine hill; nevertheless, while speaking of imperial arches, Donin abandons the method and describes instead the most important monuments according to their type. The arches are followed by the Flavian amphitheatre, the Theatre of Marcellus, Roman baths, the Pyramid of Cestius, the obelisks of Rome, the columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius and the mausoleum of Hadrian. Donin is well versed in architecture. His concise descriptions of monuments are mostly accurate. Contrary to Harant who labels most building stones as “marble”, Donin distinguishes between different kinds of building stones (marble, travertine, porphyry). The lack of autopsy in Harant’s descriptions is sometimes obvious. Not only in verbal descriptions, but also in illustrations (the Egyptian pyramids resembling obelisks). On the other hand, Harant’s travelogue is much more extensive and elaborate, whereas the greatest difference between him and Donin when it comes to the information processing method is Harant’s ubiquitous bibliographical citations and the lack of these in Donin’s work.
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