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EN
The article discusses ethnic diversity and the changes which took place in Transcarpathia in the 20th century. First, the author presents the historical background for a statistical-demographical analysis. He points to the peripheral location of the region and the fact that it often changed its political affiliation. Thus, for a period of almost a thousand years the province was included within the borders of Hungary; between 1919 and 1939 it became part of Czechoslovakia, and after a four-day long period of independence (14-18 March, 1939) it was again incorporated into Hungary between 1939 and 1945. After World War II it was part of a Soviet republic, and since 1991 it has been included in the independent state of Ukraine. Each of these periods brought far-reaching demographic and ethnic consequences. The population of Transcarpathia consisted of Slavic people of Ruthenian origin, mostly Greek Catholics. The inhabitants of the province were subjected to Hungarian, Ukrainian, and Russian influences and believed in different options, such as pro-Ukrainian, pro-Russian, or separatist, i.e. Ruthenian. These issues are discussed in detail in the article and thoroughly interpreted by the author. He also points to the fact that the territory of Transcarpathia was inhabited by numerous ethnic minorities. The Hungarian minority has always been the most important, both in the past and in the present; today it is concentrated in the south of the province. In the past, Jews and Germans also constituted sizeable minorities, while Romanians and Slovaks were always of marginal significance here. The final part of the article presents the scale of the separatist tendencies which may have dangerous political consequences in the future.
Archeologia Polski
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2008
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vol. 53
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issue 1
111-134
EN
Recently published works by the Poznan anthropologists J. Piontek (2006) and R. Dabrowski (2007) have provoked archaeologist to join the debate on the potential of anthropological research for studies on the ethnogenesis of the Slavs. As an archaeologist the author finds it of foremost importance that anthropology 'verifies or falsifies hypotheses and theories formulated by other disciplines (of science)', that is, archaeology included. Since the history of different human groups, including the biological diversity of different populations, can be studied based on a differentiated set of skull morphological traits, one cannot but hope for the opportunity to verify the 'allochthonous' theory of Slav origin. Janusz Piontek has written that 'the archaeologists' visions of the process of Slav ethnogenesis are but one of several propositions competing with ideas either suggested or put forward by representatives of various other disciplines of general anthropology'. Assuming the same concerns physical anthropology, one should ask a number of questions and voice certain doubts formed after a careful perusal of the works of the above mentioned scholars. Results presented by J. Piontek are inspiring, but leave the field open to further questions. Why the small biological distance between people buried in the 13th century in Norwegian Bergen and those laid to rest in graves in Kolobrzeg from the 14th through the 18th century? Why is the 'Cedynia II' population closer to the 'Przeworsk culture' group than to 'Cedynia I' population, which comprises a series of skulls from an adjacent part of the same cemetery? Is it not because the comparison is partly based on the 'Przeworsk culture series' consisting of just nine skulls? Why is the 'Cherniakhov culture' population so similar to the 'Konskie' group, that is, individuals buried in inhumation graves of the 10th and 11th century in central Poland? The two populations are separated not only by thousands of kilometers, but also by six or seven hundred years in time! The reservations formulated above justify a basic question: is the method applied by J. Piontek actually capable of demonstrating real genetic ties between populations or is the effect of this proceeding merely a determination of morphological resemblance without the possibility of explaining the reasons behind it? The method presented by J. Piontek and R. Dabrowski demonstrate a big potential in studies of prehistoric populations. The determinations of both researchers, well grounded in anthropological material, are their important contribution to a discussion of the biological picture of Polish territories in the past. Nonetheless, a prerequisite of this kind of research is a close association between the physical anthropologist and archaeologist. Otherwise, it leads to interesting results, but worse than potentially possible. The hazards are well reflected by R. Dabrowski's study, where no such collaboration can be observed. Moreover, the limitations in the application of the demographic method to investigations of fossil sources, discussed several years back by E. Piasecki (1990), should also become a field of discussion for archaeologists, anthropologists and demography experts alike.
EN
By relating the intellectual context of Vernant's debuts and the intellectual filiation between Vernant and Ignace Meyerson, Marcel Mauss or Louis Gernet, the author explains what Vernant's work, usually qualified as anthropological history, owes to psychological history. His predecessors claimed that social conditions are historical phenomena and that they are produced by psychological conditions. Vernant's project is to study how these social institutions and these ways of thinking, our societies are still referring to, constituted themselves. How did change psychological functions and categories of thinking which created the works used by historians as material and sources (literary or religious texts or works of art). This ability of 'estrangement' and this focus on changes and differences kept Vernant far from any general anthropological theory as built by Levi Strauss.
EN
There can be no doubt that the thinking of Antoni Kępiński was profoundly affected by philosophical thought. The author of the article shows the philosophical foundations fanthropology developed by this prominent Polish psychiatrist. First of all, the paper introduces sources of anthropology developed by Kępiński which should be found in the philosophy of dialogue, phenomenology and existential philosophy. In the light of works of Kępiński one can notice that his philosophical anthropology was saturated with influence of dialogue thought. The essence of Kępiński’s encounters with patients can be summed up in J. Tischner’s line: I know you can understand me, so we exist. Another great inspiration of Kępiński’s anthropological psychiatry was phenomenology which was introduced into European psychiatry by Karl Jaspers as an important tool for psychopathological research. Thanks to descriptive phenomenology and category of “empathy” the psychiatrist could reach the states of consciousness of other man and understand his suffering. For Kępiński, only a specific kind of emotional relationship based on empathy could be the key to complete knowledge of the man fighting with mental illnesses. What is more, the article presents existential philosophy, its impact on psychiatry and Kępiński’s opinion about existential psychotherapy. Finally, the author of the paper stresses the value of Kępiński’s anthropology which maintains many of cognitive qualities important for philosophers.
EN
The article discusses two types of relations between cultural sciences on the one hand and literature and literary scholarship on the other, focusing especially on the issue of kinship between our contemporary cultural anthropology as a meaning-establishing activity, and, creation of presented worlds in literature. As an example of a peculiar 'consonance' of cultural science and creative literary work, the current of English-language post-colonial literature and the so-called multicultural prose of today, stemming from the former, have been made subject to closer analysis. The author argues that both domains, i.e. anthropology and literature, mutually explain each other, constituting reciprocal interpretative contexts as well as a source of sharing experiences reflecting the compound identity situation of present-day humans.
EN
The paper is an attempt of the systematic presentation and explication of diversity in attitudes towards various contemporary technological phenomena in classical avant-gardes. The point of departure is the anthropological consideration of the sense of technology in general, according to A. Gehlen. The positive and negative accentuation of technology ('fascination' and 'nausea') in German Expressionism, its adoration in Futurism and Meyerhold's theater and its interiorization in post-Expressionism and Surrealism indicate not only different perception of various phenomena of civilization but also different and progressing understanding of the creative, traditional culture and politics.
EN
Reconstructing the past is a complex and complicated pursuit, as well as an extremely creative and interesting process, which involves cooperation between different scientific disciplines. Acknowledging and reconstructing the past, once narrowed down chiefly to archaeology, anthropology and history, is now carried out with at least partial involvement of other disciplines, such as humanities and social sciences, natural sciences, mathematics and technical sciences. Multidisciplinarity and interdisciplinarity of research can produce a broader knowledge of past worlds and cultures, and how these cultures were created and functioned in different environments. Nowadays, it seems obvious that the proper understanding of the past is possible not only due to study of material culture and written sources, but also (among the other things and sciences) analyzing of natural environment, relying on ethnographic analogies, applying anthropological and philosophy theory, and even mathematics and computer models. Interdisciplinarity of studies of the past involves also closer and stronger collaboration between scientists from various disciplines, especially history, anthropology, and archaeology. These three scientific disciplines are probably the most vitally interested in the process of reconstructing the human culture in different ways.
EN
The issue of old age and aging has interested not only scientists from time immemorial. Over 300 theories have been proposed so far to explain the mechanism of ageing, none of them universal, but each capturing part of the truth about the phenomenon. As any biological process, ageing results from the interaction of two factors: the genotype, which determines the path, and the environment, which modifies gene expression and thus induces various ways of following the path. The threshold of old age is undoubtedly conventional. In ontogenesis both the whole organism and its particular organs go through three phases: development, balance and involution, or aging. Different organs go through the phases in different times, and differently in each individual, hence there is significant variability in reaching old age. The pace of aging is increased by ecological factors, such as lack of hygiene, illnesses, injuries, poor diet, lack of exercise, overworking and stress. Many of those factors are correlated with the low degree of urbanization, the low level of education, the individual's profession and low income. Such culture-bound factors, in turn, are usually connected with the social status, the social class and the country of residence, which jointly determine the socio-economical status. All that regards contemporary societies but also historical populations, including those that lived in the Middle Ages. Social stratification may have caused vast individual differences the process of aging, which was dependent on both natural and social circumstances determining human lifespan. The interrelation between the improvement of socio-economical conditions and the lengthening of the lifespan has been noticed by many authors. Research on Polish skeleton populations from the 10th to the 18th c. indicates that the average lifespan was gradually increasing and so was the number of people who reached old age, especially in the richer strata of society and in urban communities. To characterize and illustrate the phenomenon the authors compare the results of research on several Polish mediaeval skeleton populations, urban and rural, dated between the 12th and the 17th c.
EN
In this paper, we outline the basic characteristics of body and corporeality as presented in Claude Tresmontant's work. We logically organize and interpret his thought tendencies in mutual interrelation. We will point out the importance of body and corporeality in Christian theology, and emphasize the argumentative language of Tresmontant's philosophy and its contribution to modern theological anthropology.
EN
The garden of the 'artist's house' (artistically created home of a writer, painter, or musician) could be examined in the categories of gardening history, searching for references to typical models or solutions. We know of the influence of gardens of various artists on the solutions introduced in the art of gardening (for instance Alexander Pope or William Shenstone). More often gardens of this type are governed by rules of individual creativity, they have no specific traits and as a rule they do not belong to the history of gardening. From antiquity through Renaissance a garden brought to mind meditation and creation. More than a house it would be the figure/prefiguration of a place of creation and the product of a creation act. It is this role it plays in the 'Mémoires d'Outre-Tombe' by Francois-Rene de Chateaubriand and numerous comments by other writers. Garden as a 'microcosm' makes us redefine the notion of creation. Some of the 'gardening acts' elude thinking in the categories of gardening object. Garden as a place of important rituals can be found especially in the communes from the turn of the 19th and 20th century. Such kind of 'gardening acts' in their anthropological dimension are of crucial importance for understanding the character of the place of creation and the whole artistic activity of an artist. Regardless its size, form, relation to the artist's home, the garden is given a special assent. An artist's grave in his garden should be considered in the same categories. For Carl Linnaeus, Buffon, Voltaire, Goethe, later on also for John Ruskin, gardens were a testing ground in various fields of their scientific and artistic creativity. Claude Monet's creation at Giverny was developed in two inseparable orders: a garden 'was growing for' a painting. Around the same time, yet with no Monet's consistency, made their own gardens and then painted them also Jozef Mehoffer, Max Liebermann, HeinrichVogeler, Edward Atkinson Hornel, or Emil Nolde. The history of gardening as the element of a representative place of artist's residence could be presented in the categories of the history of gardening forms as well as a social history of art. This function is served by gardens in the residences of Peter Paul Rubens, Nicodemus Tessin the Younger, Charles Le Brun, and then later of Franz von Lenbach, Vincenzo Vela, Richard Wagner. Drawing upon the models from the 16th through the 18th centuries, Francis Poulenc, Edmond Rostand and Edith Wharton made their own gardens, nevertheless, with reference to their main field of creativity. A theme of Italian Renaissance inspirations belongs to the most important research tracks to follow when interested in the gardens of the 19th- and 20th-century artists. A 'locus amoenus' could have assumed the form of microcosm, full of personal or historical associations, relating to the interests of the artist. The gardens of Gabriele d'Annuzio, Axel Munthe, Anders Zorn, Vicente Blasco Ibanez became mainstays of private history of culture, characteristic of post-romantic trends.
12
80%
EN
Using an anthropological perspective, the authoress analyses the process of adaptation to the immediate space by Polish people hit by the 1997 flood. Places of their residence have been branded with disaster and the feeling of being lost and harmed has been intensified by the awareness of the loss of everything they owned. In order to feel fulfilled in the new situation flood victims had to display an exceptional fortitude and perseverance. It turned out that most of the flood victims worked laboriously to recover their individual space from the time before the flood, to rebuild the feeling of cultural continuity, to reconstruct (or create from scratch) their 'sacred places of their private life'. The adaptation of the degraded space meant also adaptation of the social space, restoration of relations with other people. This condition triggered the natural need to talk, to tell others about the recent experiences, which greatly helped to overcome the trauma caused by the flood, 'slow down' the emotions and start the memory celebration process. She also analyses the situations of the flood victims, who were forced to change their place of residence, who had to settle new, strange spaces, who created a new spatial reality (most often on the periphery of the city) and cooperated in the establishment of a new, local community.
EN
The very title of the article contains a clear reference to the concept of Pierre Hadot, for whom the category of exercices spirituels was best suited to the description of philosophy in Antiquity, though even he regarded it as something of more than just historical significance. A diagnosis of modern reflection on human nature, presented e.g. by Lindsay Waters, suggests that “spiritual exercises” in their existential dimension, “exercises” not limited to thinking drills but requiring wholesale commitment and having such consequences, provide perhaps the best description of what the humanities are and should be. Augustine’s Tolle, lege interpreted in this manner is used with reference to Pavel Muratov’s Images of Italy.
EN
The first extensive group of the graves of the Nitra culture in Moravia was obtained during the archaeological excavations in Holesov in 1964-1970. The anthropological material has been preserved only in fragments. From the total number of 420 burials only six skulls were used for measuring and calculations of their lengths and widths, which was a negligible sample. The burial ground of the Nitra culture in Slatinice, presented in this study, was excavated in 2002. The excavations yielded well-preserved anthropological material from 22 graves with 23 buried individuals. The anthropological analyses determined 12 males, 8 females and 3 infants. The males were of age categories from iuvenis to maturus and they died at the age of 20-40 years. The female age categories were iuvenis-maturus and their age at death ranges between 14-29 and 30-40 years. The average age at death in the entire population was 20-29 years. Concerning the age, 72.2% were adults; 27.3% adolescents and infants. According to sex, there were 50% of males, 22.7% of females and 27,3% of adolescents and children in the population. Calculated average height of the males was 166.1 cm and females 155 cm. The state of health of the population under study was good; we found healed fractures of the forearms and legs, as well as a healed skull injury. We recorded also innate and hereditary symptoms - metopism, spina bifida, leg defect and negligible occurrence of tooth decays. From the anthropological point of view, the population from Slatinice can be described as a markedly dolichomorphic group, which corresponds with the results of the analyses from the Nitra-culture burial grounds in Holesov and with skeletons from Branc and Vycapy-Opatovce.
EN
Ecofeminism is a current emerged in 1970, it’s a movement that sees a connection between the degradation of the natural world and the subordination and oppression of women. For some time problem of ecological crisis and feministic analyses have been influencing on theological reflection. Ecofeministic theology aims at combining ecology, feminism and theology. Its main proponents are: Rosemary Radford Ruether, Elizabeth Johnson, Sally McFague, Mary Grey, Anne Primavesi, Ivone Gebara, Elizabeth Green and Elisabeth Moltmann-Wendel. Many of authors make a hypothesis about responsibility of Jewish and Christian tradition for women suppression in patriarchal dualism and aims at reinterpreting some theological concepts.
EN
The paper deals with investigation of witchcraft and gossip in anthropology. These two phenomena are interconnected and they have been examined by scholars since the early period of anthropological research. Anthropologists didn't deny that both witchcraft and gossip have psychological dimension, but it was not easy to deal with them theoretically. After presentation of the key points of anthropological investigation of witchcraft and gossip the authoress introduces the current perspective of evolutionary psychology. This psychology integrates principles and results which are drawn from evolutionary biology, cognitive science, anthropology, and neuroscience.
EN
This paper discusses the etic construction of Slovak Roma as a homogenous group essentialised as a marginal, disconnected, uneducated and asocial “other”. The authors acknowledge the severe situation of exclusion suffered by many Roma in Slovakia but argue that diverse social positionalities also exist which are often ignored. Grounded in field research and ethnographic knowledge, the present paper deconstructs Roma homogeneity and tries to provide inside optics to different Roma conceptions. In doing so, the Roma agency is located in different fields, which opens new questions for research. Social situations which avoid the cliché of marginality make it possible to explore the existent interrelations between the overrepresentation of supposed Roma homogeneity and otherness and the muted existence of their counter-part – dominating non-Roma. Using methodological approaches close to whiteness studies, the authors attempt to go beyond approaches focusing on Roma as the exotic others. The role of non-Roma agency and power structures omnipresent in everyday life will be discussed as a key factor often muted in etic constructions of Roma.
Archeologia Polski
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2004
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vol. 49
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issue 1-2
33-48
EN
Based on the chronological and cultural interpretation of the site presented in the introduction by J. Andrzejowski, it appears that the cemetery was used by the Przeworsk people from phase A3 of the younger pre-Roman period to the beginnings of phase B2/C1 and by the Wielbark people from phase B2/C1 to C3 or the beginnings of the early stage of the Migration Period (first half of the 1st century BC - 4th century AD). The study assemblage included burnt human skeletal remains from 260 graves (92.3% without urns) containing 286 individuals. Of these, single burials constituted 90%, while 10% were double burials, in most cases (57.7%) consisting of an adult and a child. The population of the cemetery at Kolozab was composed of adults in 79.4% and children in 20.6%. For 86.0%, it was possible to determine the age category at death; for 32 individuals (11.2%) of the adult population, gender could also be established. The biggest mortality among children (61.0%) had place in early childhood-(infans I), mainly among the newborn and infants. This constituted 12.6% of all deaths in the Kolozab population. Tabular data illustrate the number of deaths among adults. The most deaths (33%) were among adults in the 18-20 to 30-35 age groups. This constitutes 26.2% of the entire population in Kolozab. The life body height, calculated for men at 162.7-168.7 cm and for women at 156.4-160.3 cm, identifies this population as being of medium height (in each gender category). No bone pathologies were observed. Some characteristics of burial customs (weight of bones in grave, number and kind of skeletal remains, color of these remains) expressed in numbers have been also presented. Interestingly, the graves contained over 65% limb bones and 61% cranium bones, indicating that the cremated remains had been meticulously picked out of the funeral pyre.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2020
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vol. 75
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issue 7
527 – 538
EN
The paper deals with a human rights issue in terms of the concept of law and with regard to difference between human, fundamental and civil rights. The author characterizes the formal features of the universality of human rights and the modalities of its justification. In the anthropological justification of the ideas of human rights, despite its limits, she sees a relevant way of justifying human rights without a direct reference to the metaphysical idea of human dignity.
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