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EN
Modern Algeria does not constitute a serious matter in Polish media. An occasion to hear about this country lately, was a terrorist attack occurred on the 11 April 2007 during which 33 people got killed and 200 got injured. The ruling party which has been in power since 1962 had decided to create a new Algeria as a socialist state. Typical problems for such countries like waste, corruption or nepotism have emerged immediately. The Algerian industry, aside from petroleum or gas extract was running a deficit. The low pace of economic development, unemployment and substantial growth of birth rate have generated social problems. The Islamic fundamentalists, with the consent of state authorities, seized an opportunity. An attempt of cutting their influence has led to civil war, which took place during the last decade of the 20th century. Many people expect that after parliamentary elections (17 May 2007) and long-awaited death of the ill president Abdul-Aziz Bouteflika the situation will improve.
FR
L’œuvre de Mohamed Kacimi, auteur algérien émigré en France en 1982, représente des conflictualités du monde oriental d’aujourd’hui et met en scène des relations entre la civilisation musulmane et d’autres cultures. Notre étude porte sur Le Jour dernier publié en 1996 et La confession d’Abraham de 2000, deux textes qui réécrivent l’histoire du sacrifice d’Abraham en la remplissant de significations actuelles. Nous nous référons également aux essais réunis dans L’Orient après l’amour (2008) dans lesquels l’auteur reprend plusieurs trames abordées dans ses écrits antérieurs. L’objectif que nous visons est double : il s’agit de rendre compte des aspects polémiques et satiriques de l’œuvre qui se concentre sur le rôle de la religion dans la vie politique et sociale de l’Orient. Nous démontrons en même temps que, pour réaliser un modèle de la littérature engagée dans le débat sur l’actualité, Mohamed Kacimi partage certains choix esthétiques avec d’autres auteurs maghrébins. En effet, par les stratégies énonciatives qu’elle adopte, son écriture reste en rapport avec de grandes tendances de la prose maghrébine francophone.
EN
The African continent is rich in oil and natural gas resources, much of which is still not fully explored. The reasons for this are climatic and geological conditions, the colonial past, which overlaps with the uneven economic development of the countries in the region, political, economic, and security problems. This article looks at the prospects for expanding gas infrastructure from Nigeria through the Maghrebi-Sahelian region towards the EU. Two gas pipelines will be analyzed – the Trans-Saharan gas pipeline (Nigeria-Algeria) and the Atlantic gas pipeline (Nigeria-Morocco). Due to the fact that two projects are competitive, the question arises which of them has the greater chance of implementation? The main purpose of this article is to investigate whether the construction of new gas pipelines from Africa to the EU is justified, taking into account the processes of transformation of European energy markets and whether the projects of the above-mentioned gas pipelines are economic or political nature. To what extent can these two gas pipelines constitute a strategic interest in terms of natural gas supplies for the European Union and how important will they be in the diversification process compared to other suppliers? Moreover, it is very important to assess whether natural gas resources and capacity will be sufficient to transport gas to the EU, taking into account the demand for this natural gas also in transit countries. The article will analyze the potential and energy infrastructure of Algeria and Nigeria as key exporters of natural gas to the EU from the African region. It will be no less important to find an answer to which role and importance of Morocco, which is a net importer of energy resources but occupies a strategic geographic location, which makes it an important transit country. During an in-depth analysis of all the factors influencing the implementation of two projects, their strengths and weaknesses will also be indicated, and how their implementation may affect the geopolitical situation in the Maghrebi-Sahelian region and relations between countries.
EN
The beginning of the article depicts the basic historical origins and influences of Islam both in Arab and Sub-Saharan Africa. The next concept is based on basic information on Islam in the context of the perception of the Western world. The article also tries to explain modern Islam on an example of selected African countries: Algeria, South Africa and Sudan. The next part of the article examines the case of Islam state based on the Shariat law.
EN
The author of the article describes the operations of the radical organization of The Society of the Muslim Brothers in Algeria, which is the first structure of the Islamic fundamentalism, created in Egypt in 1936 by Hassan Al Banna, a theoretician and the first leader of the organization. Muslim Brotherhood became the mother- organization of all further structures and organizations of Muslim fundamentalists. The author is portraying the social and political context of the birth of this political movement and its beginnings in Algeria. The French colonialism was also one of the causes of this movement in Algeria. Muslim Brotherhood has skillfully linked religious campaigning and active gap-filling in the social policy of the state. Their goal is building the system of the social network of mutual aid and establishing an alternative, strictly Islamic society. Muslim Brotherhood has also theoretically and practically accepted terrorist methods as the way of the political struggle for achieving established goals. The author is portraying circumstances of its activity in Algeria and potential international threats associated with it, as well as the beginnings of terrorism in this country. He also describes the election of 1990 and the circumstance of winning the election by fundamentalist parties as well as the coup d'etat and the takeover carried out by military junta as well as the evolution of the political situation in Algeria after the coup d'etat.
FR
Chez Lenormand, la représentation de l’Afrique ne relève en rien de l’engouement passager ou de l’effet de mode. L’Autre, le colonisé, le renvoie presque douloureusement à sa position de Français colonisateur de métropole. Si son regard est fait de distance fascinée, de curiosité, de préjugés et de mauvaise conscience, quelle image son théâtre donne-t-il de l’Arabe, du Touareg ou du métis ? Est-il un personnage « exotique » ? Et surtout, quel sens donner à l’« exotisme » dans l’œuvre de Lenormand, notion qui a nourri d’importants débats littéraires et extralittéraires, et qui fait l’objet d’une réévaluation au XXe siècle ?
EN
Article aims to provide the reader with the specifics of non-European political sys-tems on the example of the presidential elections in Algeria. Although the election cam-paign alluded to Western standards, the election results confirmed the pre-election specu-lation. The unquestionable victory of the seventy-seven-year-old Abdelaziz Buteflika shows that power in Algeria is still in the hands of the old generation of politicians, harking back to the times of the War of Independence from the years 1954 to 1962. The article presents an analysis of the statements of the Constitution relating to the position of the President of the State, and a brief description of the current presidential elections in Algeria. It also presents the candidates and their manifestos in the campaign of 2014. The article ends with conclusions which show the internal and external factors affecting the stability of the Algerian political regime and examines the possible effects of the Bute-flika’s victory for security in the Mediterranean region and the European Union.
EN
The main subject of the article is the issue of the ‘Berberist Crisis’ of 1949, which has shaken the Algerian national movement in the late 1940s. Its first act was an unprecedented speech by a young Paris law student and a high-ranking member of the national movement structure Rašīd ‘Alī Yaḥya. During one of the party meetings, this activist from Berber-speaking Kabylia region appealed to those gathered to discuss the official proposal, which explicitly condemned the “myth of Arab-Muslim Algeria”. The controversial proposal was not only put for discussion but also voted with 28 votes in favour and 4 against. In Algiers, the action of Kabyle activists was read as an act of disobedience and even potential secession, as a result of which the Parisian structures of the Movement were immediately dissolved. In practical term, this meant the beginning of the fratricidal struggles within Algerian national movement, which on the eve of the outbreak of the War of Independence almost led to its split. The events of the ‘Berberist Crisis’ of 1949 have permanently entered the history of difficult Arab-Kabyle relations in independent Algeria, becoming largely the first act of conflict between the two largest ethnic groups in this country.
EN
The lack of a structured memory device of the Algerian training and research, institutional fragmentation and the lack of visibility of the scientific production make difficult to promoting enhancement of national scientific pool and centers of competence. This dispersion of these resources, is totally at odds with the needs of the Algerian economy which that must be built in a sustainable way, based on the diversification of its wealth, integrating knowledge and research as a development capital. In the agricultural sector, which is our study, Algeria must mobilize its research and training system to the service of its food sovereignty. In this perspective, an agro-biological network of many establishments of research and teaching think about a platform for management, sharing and enhancement of skills and research programs. This is answers the need of teachers, researchers and policy makers, who express by a national survey, their needs of enhancement of their production, in logic to make synergies with the economic sector. This is what we will discuss in our statement on the strategic issues of value-added information system of higher education service and development of economic in Algeria.
EN
The study investigates the differences in technical, pure technical, and scale efficiencies of domestic and foreign banks in Algeria over the period of 2000–2012. The study uses annual data of 10 foreign banks and 05 domestic banks operated in Algeria. The input-oriented Data Envelopment Analysis model is used to measure the banks’ efficiency score. In addition, a set of parametric and non-parametric tests are used for investigating the differences in efficiency between foreign and domestic banks. The findings reveal that the banks in Algeria could improve their technical efficiency by 23%. In addition, it seems that banks in Algeria suffer from the scale inefficiency. On the other hand, the foreign banks are more technically efficient than domestic banks. The superiority of foreign banks in technical efficiency is due to their superiority in the scale efficiency.
EN
The sociological lives of a work: The trajectories, productions and receptions of Abdelmalek Sayad (1960–2000)Taking as his point of departure the sociological-analytical tools applied by the immigration scholar Abdelmayek Sayad, the author of this article investigates the biographical facts that influenced Sayad’s works and practice. The first part is devoted to Sayad’s Algerian biography, that is his life before arriving in France in 1963. The most important point here is the meeting, during the Algerian War (1958), of young Pierre Bourdieu, then an assistant at the University of Algiers and the turn they both made to social science. The second part of the text is devoted to the life of Abdelmalek Sayad on different stages of the creation and reception of his scholarly work. The author aims to study the ways in which the sociologist took into consideration the reception of his work: how reception reflexively influenced Sayad’s sociology. Socjologiczne życiorysy pewnego dzieła: Trajektorie, produkcje i recepcje Abdelmaleka Sayada (1960–2000)Wychodząc od narzędzi socjologiczno-analitycznych wykorzystywanych przez badacza imigracji Abdelmaleka Sayada, autor bada fakty biograficzne, które wpłynęły na socjologiczną twórczość i praktykę Sayada. W pierwszej części tekstu autor przygląda się biografii algierskiej Sayada, czyli jego losom przed przybyciem do Francji w 1963 roku. Najważniejszym punktem będzie tu spotkanie w czasie wojny algierskiej z młodym Pierre’em Bourdieu, wówczas asystentem na uniwersytecie w Algierze (1958), i zwrot ich obu ku naukom społecznym. Druga część tekstu poświęcona jest drodze życiowej Abdelmaleka Sayada na różnych etapach powstawania i odbioru jego twórczości naukowej. Celem autora jest zbadanie, w jaki sposób socjolog uwzględnił recepcję swojego dzieła, a zatem to, jak recepcja ta zwrotnie wpływała na sposób uprawiania przez niego nauki.
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EN
The paper presents events in Algeria that led to fall of the long-term president of the country, Abd al-Aziz Bouteflika in April 2019 and examines the role of the new media in this process. The analysis explains the reasons of the failure of the Arab Spring in this country in 2011. Critical discourse analysis of Algerian new media conducted by the author shows that despite lack of active actions in 2011, youth movements appeared in Algeria and led the protests in 2019 not only in the Internet but also in the “offline” world. Currently, the discussion about political impact of new media focuses mainly on a question whether the power of protesting societies is sufficient to overthrow a government. According to the author of the paper, it is a single-dimensional approach to the problem, what has been proven by the example of Algeria. New media have become an inseparable part of contemporary societies and their discourse, serving as a platform for disseminating information, mobilizing and participating . In Algeria, despite the fact that social media "have not yet reached maturity" (among others, because of illiteracy, mismanagement, lack of freedom of speech and true democracy), they are gradually becoming political and media public spaces for those excluded from the mainstream politics and media. The social media have caused a situation where the Algerian government has to meet growing demands of society for a greater degree of democracy, justice and freedom of the press and freedom of opinion. With their help, people learned the techniques of social mobilization, developed structures of social movement and civil society. Effects of this activity can slowly be observed not only in Algeria but throughout the Arab world.
FR
Waciny Laredj semble bien conscient de la différence sémantique qui sépare des deux termes « immigration » et « exil ». Son regard sur les deux concepts est proche de celui de Myriam Hachimi Alaoui. Il emploie le premier terme pour désigner la situation d’un intellectuel algérien réfugié à l’étranger et le deuxième pour désigner celle des travailleurs algériens. C’est sur cette distinction que s’appuiera le travail, en se donnant pour tâche d’étudier la représentation de ces deux concepts (exil, manfā et migration, hiǧra) dans Le corps des brûlures et Les balcons de la mer du Nord. Nous avons choisi d’étudier ces deux ouvrages, car ils permettent de voir comment le même auteur traite ces deux thématiques différentes. Dans les Les balcons de la mer du Nord, Waciny Laredj accorde une place importante à la question de l’espace, particulièrement urbain. Dans Le corps des brûlures, c’est la représentation du corps migrant qui est mise en avant. Nous allons essayer de démontrer dans un premier temps comment le corps est représenté dans l’espace parisien. La deuxième partie sera consacrée à la représentation de l’espace géographique de l’exil, soit la ville d’Amsterdam dans Les balcons de la mer du Nord. Avant d’entamer notre analyse, nous allons présenter brièvement le contenu des deux romans en question.
EN
Pierre Bourdieu’s social scientific concepts and theories are very popular among social scientists today. However, his early writings based on fieldwork in Algeria are far less well known, despite the fact that in was in these texts that his famous concepts and theories originated. This article sets out to examine the mutual relationship between Bourdieu and the Kabyle people from several perspectives. The author focuses on Bourdieu’s relationship to the fieldwork, his relations with Kabyle intellectuals, and at the role they played as his key informants and ‘experts’ on Kabyle culture. The article investigates to what extent and how in France Bourdieu defended the academic activities of the Kabyle people relating to their own culture. It also studies Bourdieu’s opinion on the Kabyle people’s emancipation efforts within independent Algeria. Finally, it looks at how familiar the Kabyle people are today with Bourdieu’s work on their society and culture and how his body of work is interpreted, taught at universities and used as a tool in the formation process of Kabyle collective identity. The article is based on a study of primary and secondary sources: Bourdieu’s scholarly writings, media interviews, his speeches at ceremonies, and his correspondence, and it draws on published interviews with Bourdieu’s friends and colleagues. The author also used her own fieldwork in Algeria as an auxiliary source of data.
15
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The French Conquest of Algiers

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EN
The article is an attempt to present and discuss – based on the struggle against Barbary pirates and corsairs waged in the Mediterranean Sea – dynamic and complex political and economic processes as well as diplomatic efforts that contributed to the French conquest of Algiers in 1830. The first three decades of the 19th century were among the most turbulent periods in the history of the French nation. Defeated and humiliated by the enemy coalition in 1815, France did not give up on her “imperial dream”, this time trying to make it come true in a non-distant Maghreb. The way to achieve this goal was, however, quite bumpy. At that time, the western part of the Mediterranean Sea was an arena of competition, mainly between the United States and Great Britain. After all, this turned out to be very favourable to France. Wishing to introduce an extra element into the game, eliminate rivals for overseas supremacy, as well as win Russia – that was gradually strengthening her influence in the eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea – as an ally, at the end of the 1820’s Great Britain became an advocate of her neighbour across the English Channel. Gradually regaining her economic potential and international importance, France reached for Algiers by entering the armed conflict. However, the French stronghold in Maghreb would soon pose a major challenge to the British colonialism in Africa. Expressing their major concern over the security of so-called “imperial route” leading via the Mediterranean sea, British politicians and statesmen adopted a new political stance toward the declining Ottoman Empire. Owing to their “independence and integrity” doctrine (formulated in 1830’s), the rich Ottoman heritage managed to “survive” by the outbreak of World War II.
PL
Po zakończeniu wojen epoki napoleońskiej, mocarstwa – a głównie zachodnioeuropejskie z Wielką Brytanią włącznie – nie angażowały się zbyt mocno w sprawy Bliskiego Wschodu. Jednakże wytworzona sytuacja polityczna nie oznaczała nadejścia ery pokoju w opisywanym regionie świata. Jeszcze podczas walk z napoleońską Francją, a zwłaszcza tuż po ich zakończeniu, w północno-zachodniej części Afryki pojawiło się oraz zaczęło nabrzmiewać nowe zarzewie konfliktów międzynarodowych, które w niedalekiej przyszłości miały doprowadzić do poważnych następstw politycznych i gospodarczych. Po 29 latach od zakończenia kampanii napoleońskiej w Oriencie instalacja imperializmu francuskiego w Afryce Północnej stała się faktem dokonanym. Zdobyty przyczółek – jakim była Algieria – stanowił niezłą bazę do rozwinięcia ekspansji we wszystkich kierunkach Czarnego Lądu. Rząd w Paryżu niezwłocznie wykorzystał tę okoliczność i jeszcze w tym samym roku rozpoczął proces kolonizacji sąsiedniej Tunezji. Rozszerzający się od 1830 roku francuski kolonializm w Maghrebie przyniósł nieodwracalne następstwa państwom położonym w basenie Morza Śródziemnego, Afryce Zachodniej oraz głównym mocarstwom europejskim. Na ponad 100 lat wywarł poważny wpływ na kształtowanie się polityki międzynarodowej nie tylko na omawianym obszarze, lecz także w świecie.
EN
This article attempts to present the main research directions of the Royal Institute of Amazigh Culture in Morocco, focusing most prominently on its pursuits to revitalize the Amazigh language. The first part of the article aims to present the social circumstances of the Berber population of Morocco throughout history and the events that led to the establishment of IRCAM and later the adoption of the Amazigh language as an official language of the state. The second part analyses the Institute’s scholarly activities through the content analysis of its scientific journal and presents some conclusions about the Institute’s importance, both nationally and internationally. The last part reviews strategies employed by IRCAM’s linguists in an attempt to standardize the Amazigh language and thus prepare it to serve its constitutional role. The article is a result of a research visit that took place in July 2019 and was a part of a student project financed by Rada Konsultacyjna Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego and University of Warsaw Foundation.
EN
This article offers an analysis of the representation of captivity in Ahmed Ben Mostapha, goumier. The novel, published by Algerian writer Mohammed Bencherif in 1920, was partly inspired by his own experience as a prisoner of war during the First World War. Relying on historical, sociological and anthropological sources, the article focuses on the protagonist’s experience as a POW in German camps and in Switzerland. It also proposes a metaphorical interpretation of captivity in the colonial context, reading Ben Mostapha as a “conscript of modernity,” conditioned by French republican ideals. Fi- nally, it examines thought-provoking analogies between colony and camp in Bencherif’s novel.
EN
During the Cold War and in the 1990s, Maghreb states, with the exception of Egypt, were treated marginally by successive US administrations. The situation changed after the terrorist attacks took place in New York and Washington D.C. in September 2001. The paper presents the main political problems in relations between the United States and Maghreb states in the 1990s. These main problems were: the political crisis in Algeria, and the political and military conflict between Morocco and Algeria over Western Sahara. From the US point of view the most important were the implications of these events for the international relations.
PL
Przez okres zimnej wojny i bezpośrednio po jej zakończeniu, aż do wydarzeń z 11 września  2001 r. kraje Afryki Północnej, z wyjątkiem Egiptu, były traktowane marginalnie przez kolejne administracje amerykańskie. Artykuł dotyczy miejsca krajów Maghrebu w polityce zagranicznej USA w latach 90 – tych XX wieku. Do głównych problemów związanych z obszarem Afryki Północnej, które skupiały uwagę Waszyngtonu w ostatniej dekadzie ubiegłego wieku należały: konflikt między Algierią i Marokiem o Saharę Zachodnią oraz kryzys polityczny w Algierii i implikacje międzynarodowe wynikające z tego konfliktu. Autor podejmuje próbę odpowiedzi na dwa główne pytania: jakie były cele polityki zagranicznej USA wobec krajów Maghrebu w latach 90 – tych XX wieku? Jakie instrumenty polityki zagranicznej Stany Zjednoczone wykorzystywały w stosunkach z Algierią, Marokiem i Mauretanią?
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