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EN
The subject of consideration is the issue of graphic reflection of the nature of Roman citizen in the images placed at the reverse of Roman coins. The citizen's duties, his privileges as well as his civic activity were depicted at these coins through a filter of the omnipresenet in the circles of central and local authorities socio-political ideolog, influencing the content of iconography of the empire and provincial mintage. Such a perspective allows to emphasize the role of numismatic sources in the recognition of declared, not factual, place of the citizen in the Roman state at the time of Empire. It furthers induces reflection over self-identification of the ancient as citizen as well as over the relationship between the subjects and the Emperor. The mintage at Caracalla times serves as a pretext to make generalizations and summaries which botj concern wider time period of the first centuries of the Empire.
Studia Ełckie
|
2011
|
vol. 13
331-341
EN
From time immemorial the society has had the need of mass entertainment, defined nowadays as the mass events. The example of this can be the organization of the Roman society, where, after analyzing the source materials, we can indicate some numerous examples of the mass events, religious, sports, or political ones. In the Roman legislation we can find a series legal regulations concerning the rules of organizing such events, chiefly, if it is about the public security. In each city, also in Rome, there was the calendar of mass events, which was completed all the time. The bodies responsible for organizing the mass events in Rome were the consuls and ediles, while, in municipalities the duumvirs and ediles. They had to provide the appropriate measures to organize the events and to guarantee the security. In case of the political events, organized during the election, the responsibility lay with the organizers. The security of the participants, particularly at the amphitheatres, was guaranteed through the legislative regulation of the principles of taking the seats at the audience. Breaking the rules was punished by the high fine. The security of the mass events in the Ancient Rome maybe was not so clearly defined as it is nowadays, but it was the matter of the Roman legislators and the public bodies. Hence, during the frequent sports events or the other entertainments organized at the huge buildings, as for example at Circus Maximus, which could contain even about 300,000 spectators, the construction disasters or public riots were the rareness.
EN
The article evaluates the spatial aspects of historical crime novels located in Ancient Rome. In particular, it demonstrates the image of the Roman Empire and the functions of space. This classic mise-en-scène is completely subordinated to the genre convention. The space becomes not only a background but also a component of various criminal actions. Unlike in Agatha Christie’s novels, it does not create an idyllic counterpoint to the murderous instincts of Roman citizens. The article concentrates on the form of historical crime fiction, in which all elements are subordinated to the attractiveness of intrigue. However, it also refers to the cognitive ambitions of the historical novel. So the question is what the reader learns about the SPQR of the declining Republic or about Vespasian Rome. First and foremost, it is the vivid image of the metropolis – chaotic, eclectic and vital. It is the world in a state of territorial expansion. Contrary to the assumption shared by Ryszard Koziołek with David Lowenthal that the past is the domain of otherness and that the difference generates incomprehensibility, this picture seems to be extremely familiar and understandable. This is probably due to the fact that the foreignness of “Romanity” has been familiarized in popular culture.
EN
This article aims to analyse the notion of constitution in Ancient Rome. The word constitution occurs in many historical and legal studies to describe Roman political system. But there is no constitution in Rome in the present meaning of this word. Constitutio is used for the decisions of the Roman emperors. Some epigraphical documents seem however to contain constitutionnal norms. Besides, at the end of the Republic, the idea of constitution seems to appear slightly in the political thought,
PL
Nawet jeśli w wielu opracowaniach naukowych historycznych i prawniczych używany jest termin konstytucja, aby opisać rzymski system polityczny, to w Rzymie nie ma konstytucji w aktualnym znaczeniu tego terminu. Constitutio odnosi się do aktów normatywnych cesarzy. Analiza politycznego i prawniczego słownictwa wykazuje, że nie ma terminu desygnującego właśnie to pojęcie, jednak wiele dokumentów epigraficznych z okresu pryncypatu (na przykład prawa miejskie) wydaje się zawierać normy konstytucyjne. Pojęcie to pojawia się po raz pierwszy, choć jeszcze w przybliżeniu, w refleksji politycznej u schyłku republiki: chodzi wówczas o gromadzenie, porządkowanie ustaw i czuwanie nad równowagą organizacji politycznej.
PL
Cel: Celem głównym artykułu, zgodnie z jego tytułem, jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy starożytni Rzymianie stosowali metodę księgowości podwójnej. Celem pomocniczym – prezentacja szerokiej gamy słownictwa księgowego stosowanego przez Rzymian, które zostało później użyte przez kupców weneckich i Lukę Paciolego w Traktacie o podwójnej księgowości z 1494 roku i jest nadal stosowane. Metodyka/podejście badawcze: W artykule zastosowano metodę wnioskowania dedukcyjnego na podstawie analizy literatury ekonomicznej, prawnej i historiograficznej na temat terminologii księgowej stosownej w finansach państwowych i prywatnych Rzymian. Wyniki: Przedstawiona w artykule terminologia mogłaby sugerować, że Rzymianie mieli wysoko rozwinięty system księgowości, wykorzystujący zasadę podwójnego zapisu. Tak jednak nie było, nie odnaleziono dotąd na to dowodów materialnych w postaci dokumentów księgowych: pojedynczych kont księgowych, powtarzanego zapisu przeciwstawnego, bilansów. Historycy rachunkowości i bankowości zdani są na analizę źródeł historycznych wtórnych między innymi literatury prawnej z przebiegu procesów sądowych, w których głównym dowodem w sprawie były księgi rachunkowe. Jednym z takich procesów, najpełniej opisanym w literaturze, był proces między wspólnikami Fanniuszem a Roscjuszem, w którym obrońcą Roscjusza był Cyceron. W artykule wskazano, że z mowa obrończa Cycerona nie dowodzi istnienia w Rzymie podwójnej księgowości. Zastanawiając się nad przyczynami braku podwójnego zapisu, przedstawiono argumenty De Ste. Croix, wśród których najważniejszy był system notacji liczbowej rzymskiej (I, V, X, L, C, M), który nie „wymuszał” zapisów księgowych w kolumnach. Czynił to dopiero system notacji cyfr arabskich, co szybko przełożyło się na przeciwstawny zapis podwójny. Ograniczenia badawcze: Brak zachowanych dokumentów źródłowych, konieczność posiłkowania się literaturą prawną. Oryginalność/wartość: W artykule dowiedziono, że zapisu podwójnego: jeśli Wn, to także Ma nie da się umiejscowić w starożytnym Rzymie. Artykuł ten daje jednak czytelnikowi wyobrażenie o bogactwie terminologii księgowo-finansowej Rzymu przełomu epok.
EN
Purpose: The main purpose of the article is to establish whether the ancient Romans used double-entry bookkeeping. The secondary aim is to present a wide range of accounting vocabulary used by the Romans, which was later used by Venetian merchants and Luca Pacioli in the 1494 treatise on double-entry bookkeeping and which is still in use today. Methodology/approach: The paper uses a deductive inference method based on an analysis of the economic, legal, and historiographical literature on the accounting vocabulary used in the state and private finances of the Romans. Findings: Although the terminology presented in the article suggests that the Romans had a highly developed accounting system using the principle of double entry, this was not the case. No material evidence of this has been found in accounting documents, such as single accounting records, repeated counter entries or balance sheets. Historians of accounting and banking rely on the analysis of secondary historical sources, such as legal literature that documents the course of trials in which account books were the main evidence. One trial that was fully described in the literature was between the partners Fannius and Roscius, in which Cicero was the defender of Roscius. The article demonstrates that Ciceroʼs defense speech does not prove the existence of double-accounting in Rome. Reflecting on the reasons for the absence of doubleentry bookkeeping, the author presents de Ste. Croix's arguments, the most important of which was the Roman numerical notation system (I, V, X, L, C, M) did not ’force’ bookkeeping entries into columns. This was only done by the Arabic numeral notation system, which quickly translated into the opposite double notation. Research limitations: The lack of surviving documents and a need to rely on legal literature. Originality/value: The article proves that the double notation – the debit/credit convention – cannot be ascribed to ancient Rome. However, the article informs the reader about the richness of the accounting and financial terminology of Rome at the turn of the era.
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O teatrze Pompejusza. Addenda

51%
EN
Autrice presenta attuale stato di studi sul Teatro di Pompeo, sul quale esiste un articolo di Stanislao Longosz, pubblicato nel „Vox Patrum” 20-23 (1991-1992) 253-278.
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