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EN
The surviving sources provide very little detail on the governors of Arabia in Late Antiquity (AD 284–641). The best documented period is the late 350s and early 360s, for which most information comes from several letters of Libanius of Antioch; a number of writings by that renowned rhetorician are at the core of all present-day lists and biographical notes on the governors of Arabia in that period. A closer look at Libanius’ letters, for all their ambiguity, does nevertheless invite a revision of the current state of knowledge, either through confirming earlier findings, or correcting and supplementing them.
PL
Celem artykułu jest addenda et corrigenda biogramów namiestników Arabii, z najlepiej oświetlonego źródłami okresu, tj. przełomu lat pięćdziesiątych i sześćdziesiątych IV stulecia n.e. Bazę źródłową stanowią przede wszystkim listy retora Libaniusza, adresowane do namiestników Arabii. Są to teksty niełatwe w interpretacji, choć poddane już gruntowanej analizie (głównie: O. Seeck, W. Ensslin, G. Sievers, P. Petit, M. Sartre), wciąż pozwalają na oryginalne wnioskowanie. W artykule podejmuję próbę skorygowania listy namiestników Arabii, ułożonej przez M. Sartre’a, a także poszerzenia lub skorygowania naszej dotychczasowej wiedzy w zakresie tytulatury i kompetencji, pochodzenia, wykształcenia, tożsamości religijnej oraz przebiegu karier.
EN
The article shows similarities and differences in the picture of Arabian world in Egypt. It was sketched in two relations from journeys including Egypt. They are connected by the person of translator, Andrzej Wargocki, who translated them from Latin into Polish. Here is to mention the Arabian Peregrination of Bernhard von Breydenbach (1440–1497) and Peregrination or Pilgrimage to the Holy Land of Mikołaj „Orphan” Krzysztof Radziwiłł (1549–1616). Their literary shape was influenced by travel route, length of stay in Egypt, material status of a pilgrim, mean of transport, political and religious circumstances, writings read before expedition, testimonies of encountered people. In the article is characterized: the word of nature (fauna and flora), image of the route, fortifications and infrastructure of cities, pyramids, customs of inhabitants, traffic, religious issues and human trafficking.
EN
The Himyarite slab from Zafar contains several distinctive features shared with some Parthian and Sasanian art pieces, but its relation with Naqš-e Rostam friezes proposed by Yule and Robin does not seem convincing. 1. It shows a rider clad in long scale armor analogically to a terracotta tile from the British Museum (fig. 9); 2. There is an infantry attendant with an axe depicted over the mount’s rump similarly to the Tang-e Sarvak frieze, where there are two foot warriors and a battle axe too (fig. 7); The horse position on Tang-e Sarvak is either standing or rearing as on discussed relief. 3. Round shield and raised right hand with a lance as on Ṭāq-e Bostān relief (fig. 12). 4. The layout of the original piece must have therefore been squarish rather than horizontally extended, with the opponent of the main figure marginalized. Therefore Himyarite artisans either followed unknown or not preserved Iranian iconographic pattern or combined the features of different canons. Yule and Robin have pointed out that simple snaffle was depicted in place of elaborate and decorative Sasanian bridle, an element usually pronounced in Sasanian art but not always clearly marked in Parthian iconography, especially in smaller objects. It cannot be however excluded that the slab rather follows a Roman tradition captured in local taste.
Vox Patrum
|
1999
|
vol. 36
367-386
EN
The subject of the present article are the places of exile into which the east roman bishops were sent in late antiquity. In the period we are concerned about, the act of exile followed a simple procedure: firstly, the episcopal councils decided about the deposition (the bishops were deprived of their functional duties) and then the emperors officially announced it.
EN
The purpose of this article is to determine the function of one of the minor literary motifs present in the Roman literature of the Augustan period, i.e., the motif of the perfumed and wealthy Arab and fragrant and rich Arabia. This goal is achieved here in two steps: first, the appropriate source material is compiled, and then the material is analysed and the conclusions are formulated. The source material in this case is seventeen extracts from Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Pseudo-Tibullus, Propercius and Ovid. These fragments were divided into those, in which the respective fragrance motif was embedded in the axiological context (sixteen fragments), and those, in which the motif appears in the neutral context (one fragment). Among the first there were separated those, in which the positive axiological context is dealt with (ten fragments), and those, in which the negative axiological context is dealt with (six fragments). The fragments of the first type mention the value of a woman (four fragments), religious activities (three fragments), the Roman land (two fragments) and peace (one fragment), while the fragments of the second type express the worthlessness of wealth (five fragments) and remoteness from the loved person (one fragment). In turn, the analysis was carried out in two steps. First, it was found that Latin poets and writers of the Augustan period use the fragrance motif when they value, whether positively or negatively, people or things or situations, or activities, and that these writers use the motif discussed here to build images that appeal to the public. Secondly, it was established that the Arabic motif is expressed at the same time in a lot of different words, should all the fragments in which it appears, be taken together, and in few words, should each of the fragments should be considered separately.
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