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Roczniki Filozoficzne
|
2022
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vol. 70
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issue 3
325-346
EN
In the paper, I discuss the interpretation of the Thomistic theory of universals put forward in Paweł Rojek’s book Tropy i uniwersalia. Badania ontologiczne [Tropes and Universals: Ontological Investigations] in the context of the issue of hidden nominalism. My aims are threefold. (i) I suggest a more precise definition of a universal that enables a defence of basic claims by Rojek concerning hidden nominalism; (ii) I show that the interpretation of Aquinas put forward by Rojek does in fact collapse into hidden nominalism; (iii) I offer another interpretation of the Thomistic theory of universals based on the theory of triplex status naturae that seems free from the trap of hidden nominalism.
PL
W artykule dyskutuję z interpretacją tomistycznej teorii uniwersaliów w książce Pawła Rojka Tropy i uniwersalia. Badania ontologiczne w kontekście problematyki „ukrytego nominalizmu”. Stawiam sobie w nim trzy cele. (i) Proponuję uściślenie definicji powszechnika, pozwalające bronić zasadniczych tez Pawła Rojka dotyczących ukrytego nominalizmu; (ii) pokazuję, że zaproponowana przez Pawła Rojka interpretacja Akwinaty sama popada w ukryty nominalizm; (iii) proponuję, w oparciu o teorię triplex status naturae Awicenny, inne odczytanie tomistycznej teorii uniwersaliów, które wydaje mi się unikać pułapki ukrytego nominalizmu.
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EN
From the perspective of existential Thomism, and following Aristotle’s philosophy of being (metaphysics) as the nucleus and keystone of the whole philosophy, seeking there the most important claims of St. Thomas, the article asks the three following questions: 1) What is the novum of Thomistic metaphysics? 2) What was Thomas’ way of thinking that led him to formulate the thesis that existence is the act of being? 3) Would anyone else have discovered the uniqueness of existence if Thomas Aquinas had not done it? The answers to these questions were formulated in reference to Gilson’s views and his concept of the history of philosophy and to the study of the concept of being in the texts of Thomas Aquinas and the historical sources of that concept. 1) Thomas proposed a new understanding of the structure of being, in which existence is the act that makes essence real and constitutes being’s potency, together making a real individual being. Thus, Thomas formulated a new existential theory of being, overcoming the limitations of Aristotle’s theory, and consistently explaining the issue related to esse (a problem that Avicenna and his followers - Parisian theologians of the 13th century could not solve). 2) Thomas Aquinas - with the help of Avicenna’s metaphysics - outdistances Aristotle’s essentialism, perceiving being as composed of existence and essence. Then, examining thoroughly the proposition of the Arab philosopher, he sees there inconsistency of attributing the position of accident to existence. According to Avicenna the element of being considered as the cause of the reality of being became - at the same time, as the accident - an unimportant component of essence. That is why Thomas Aquinas recognized that existence is the act of everything that makes essence, which transcended Avicenna’s theory, and thus he formulated his own existential version of the metaphysics of being. 3) It seems that nobody else but Thomas Aquinas would have put up a thesis that existence is the first act of being. And what would have been if Thomas Aquinas had not done it? It is hard to say as we have no historical data to let us discuss it. Similarly, it is impossible to answer this question even assuming Gilson’s thesis that the detailed claims of a given philosophy are the conclusion of the set of principles adopted at the beginning because Thomas did not have such a set of principles as at the starting point he modified the principles of Aristotle and Avicenna. Would someone else have made the same modifications, thus creating a “Thomistic” set of principles? The history of philosophy analyzes the things that actually happened and left their mark; it has no interest in things that did not take place and leave any trace. This could be an area for historical and philosophical fantasy, if it ever exists, but we try to stay in the field of the history of philosophy.
FR
Tolede au XIIème et XIIIème siècle comme Baghdad au VIII-IX siècle était un lieu de transfert du savoir : à l’époque du califat abbasside en Irak du grecque à l’arabe, en Espagne de l’arabe au latin. Le sujet de cet article est de montrer quels textes d’Avicenne a connu saint Thomas d’Aquin. C’était principalement le « Canon de la médecine » traduit par Gerard de Cremone et quelques livres du recueil du « Kitâb al-Shifa », « Métaphysique » et « De anima ». Plusieurs éminents savants ont consacré beaucoup d’articles et de livres sur différents sujets pour révéler l’influence d’Avicenne sur la pensée philosophique de Thomas d’Aquin. On peut citer ici les noms de E. Gilson, M.-A. Goichon, M.-T. d’Alverny, L. Gardet, G. Verbeke, J. Owen etc. Malgré la multitude de travaux il reste quelques problèmes qui n’ont pas été encore suffisamment analysés. Par exemple pourquoi Avicenne a attribué à Dieu seul la notion de l’Être nécessaire et pas Thomas d’Aquin ? Pourquoi il a introduit la catégorie de l’être nécessaire et l’être possible dans la description aristotélicienne de l’être « to on legetai pollaksos », tandis que Thomas a identifié comme des éléments fondamentaux de la structure ontique de l’être l’acte et la puissance (esse et essentia) ?
EN
The aim of the paper is to deal with the problem of emotion in the context of medieval discussion on mind-body problem. The paper focuses particularly on joy and pleasure (delectatio, gaudium) as an example of intersection of mental and corporeal emotional phenomena in Avicenna and Thomas Aquinas. Both Aquinas’s treatise of the passions of the soul in the Summa Theologiae and parallel works and Avicenna’s philosophical and medical works reflect the problem of the way in which the unity of the person, soul and body, is experienced and displayed in emotion. Firstly, it has to be said that although an ‘emotion’ (passio) can be considered as an unified state of mind, neither Thomas nor Avicenna considered ‘emotion’ in this way. Rather, they recognized ‘emotion’ as a set of components, of bodily involvement, intentionality, objectivity, behavioral suggestions, even a sense of ecstasy, etc. Both Avicenna and Aquinas consider joy as a conglomerate of corporeal and mental elements. Avicenna argues, that emotions of the soul, such as joy, pain, fear and anger, are also called the emotions of the spirit, since they are accompanied by cardiac and spiritual changes, as he says in De medicinis cordialibu. Analogically, Aquinas distinguishes in STH Prima Secundae formal and material aspect of emotion: the formal element is the movement of the appetitive power, while the bodily transmutation is the material element. Both of these are mutually proportionate (STH, I-II, q. 44, a. 1, co.:) So, a central issue of my paper is the question how they could think the various mental and physiological features of emotion of joy together. Although they both refer to Aristotle’s psychology, their answers seem to differ significantly. The difference is about the specific role of estimation in the plane of sensual and intellectual cognition. For Thomas estimation is definitely sensual cognitive power; however Avicenna argues that estimation takes part in the intellectual evaluation of the objects intended. Also, there is a different account of intellectual emotion. Whereas Thomas says that emotion is a result of cognition and inasmuch there are sensual and intellectual cognition, there are accordingly sensual and intellectual emotions (passions and affection), Avicenna introduces the power of estimation which is affective evaluation for both sensual and intellectual cognition. So, one could say that Thomas elaborates two theories of emotion (theory of affection is not compatible with the theory of passions), whereas Avicenna develops an unitary theory of emotion.
EN
While expressing his innovative theory of existence (esse) as an act of being in many his texts Thomas Aqunas recalls different historical sources to support his thesis: Aristotle’s views, Arabic philosophers’ depictions, mainly of Avicenna, Boethius’ distinction entia quo od entia quod and some theses of Liber de causis. In earlier subject literature, mainly Gilson’s influence (in Poland it was under Krąpiec’s influence) adopted a view about religious inspirations of Thomas’ thesis and that the only philosophical way to his thesis is an analysis of Avicenna’s depictions which are contained mainly in work De ente et essentia. Every other Thomas’recalls should be treated as some earlier ploy for a protection against possible reservations. The first statement which arises during the analysis of historical sources which Thomas refer to expressing his theory of existence (esse) as an act of being is ascertaining that reasoning is a crucial argument to accept esse as an act of being. It should be emphasized that in his theory of esse Thomas Aquinas does not refer to argument of Revelation. The result is that Thomas expressed this thesis only in a philosophical area within the analysis of structure of real being. The attitudes which are recalled sometimes are used by Thomas Aquinas as a background or context by which he states his view. Recalled statements sometimes are a reference to the authority. It seems that the erudition recalled by Thomas in a matter which is interesting for us appears in a different aspects. That is why it should be make a fuss of that the issue of existence (esse) did not appear with Thomas Aquinas’ metaphysics or Avicenna’s metaphysics. It seems that it was on the contrary: the issue of existence (esse) was worrying Plato and earlier philosophers, Aristotle, and Neoplatonists, Boethius and Arabic philosophers. So Thomas’ thesis about existence (esse) as an act of being is a result of the analysis of the issue which is existed in the history of philosophy
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