Search results

1

Bawarski system partyjny po 1945 roku – droga do politycznej dominacji CSU

100%

Kozerski M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2020

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issue 2 (375)

65-83

EN

After 1945 a specific party system emerged in Bavaria, based on the dominance of the Christian Social Union (CSU). The aim of the article is to examine the period preceding the rise of this stable system and to present its elements: Bavarian parliamentary groups. The questions asked in the study concern the reasons for such a significant remodeling of the system in the 1960s and the sources of the political successes of the CSU. The formulated thesis refers to the strategies of the Bavarian Christian Democrats aimed (initially) at obtaining and then maintaining power: the CSU strove to present itself as a regional party with a broad public support by simultaneously highlighting the issues of progress and modernity on the one hand, and tradition and attachment to the homeland, on the other. In order to gain a broader view of Bavaria’s party system in its initial form, the article references the political and economic situation in the country after World War II. The study used the historical-analytical method, and in connection with developing a vision of the future of the Bavarian party system and the place of the CSU in it – the extrapolation method was applied.

2

Delegitimation through Corruption: Legal and Administrative Changes in Bavaria and Prussia during the Napoleonic era (1800–1820)

100%

Bernsee R.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2015

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vol. 7

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issue 1

9-33

EN

Th is article examines how corruption and legal changes were interrelated in Bavaria and Prussia around 1800. A number of both legal and administrative reforms occurred across Central Europe during this time period. In the article, it is argued that these reforms were mainly forced and justifi ed by a new type of charges on corruption that had been appeared in public debates since the 1780s. Th e new critics of corruption had denounced the ‘Ancien Régime’ as endemically corrupt and had demanded reforms that bear resemblance with the bureaucracy developed by Max Weber. With the new critics, however, new political actors had appeared in both monarchies and had come into conflict with the entrenched powers – the monarch and the estates. It needed twenty years until the new notions of corruption, common good and government became standard in the public debates. The article consists of three parts: The first part sheds light on the events before the reforms. It shows that a new notion of corruption appeared in the 1780s, but clashed against the older concepts. This section also describes the political confl icts and features an analysis of the interrelation between these confl icts and corruption charges. The second section contains an analysis how the reformers used the new concepts of corruption to delegitimise the old administrative and legal structure. Th ey used corruption charges to justify their own reform proposals within the administration, but even in public communication especially through semi-offi cial journals. The third part focuses on diff erent legal changes that were aff ected by corruption charges either directly or indirectly. It was very diff erent laws that changed due to corruption charges: rules for recruitment and remuneration of officials, house laws of the ruling dynasties and their civil lists, the secret policy of both government and ‘private’ associations. Corruption charges had, thus, a considerable infl uence on the political constitution of the two monarchies. Interestingly, this article shows how changing arguments in the public sphere infl uenced the administrative and legal body in monarchies that did not exhibit a legislative body like a parliament. It also shows how corruption charges were used by political actors to achieve their goals.

3

The earthworks at Altheim

86%

Saile T., Posselt M., Zirngibl B.

Sprawozdania Archeologiczne

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2017

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vol. 69

71-82

EN

In 2012, fi eldwork recommenced at the Altheim earthwork, discovered more than a century ago. The investigation in its immediate environs revealed a second ditched enclosure from the Altheim period, south-east of the previously known structure. The two enclosures are spatially related to one another. It was found that several decimetres of soil have been eroded during the last hundred years in the area of the north earthwork; the very substance of both monuments is acutely threatened. The fi rst radiocarbon datings, carried out on samples of domestic animal bone, allow both enclosures to be dated to the 37th/36th century BC and suggest a temporal sequence of the ditches. Certain earlier observations, namely the high proportion of arrowheads among the fl aked stone tools and the very low proportion of bones from wild animals, were confi rmed by the new excavation. The southwest-northeast orientation of the structures’ long axes permits an archaeoastronomical interpretation: knowledge obtained from the observation of natural phenomena was transferred to architecture. The new investigation sheds further doubt on the interpretation of the enclosures as fortifi cations.

4

Kontakty Mieszka I z opozycją antyottońską Henryka Kłótnika. Zarys problematyki

86%

Samp M.

Historia Slavorum Occidentis

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2018

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issue 4 (19)

11-26

EN

In 973 and 984, the Polish duke Mieszko I was involved in internal fights in the Reich which broke out following the death of Otto I and Otto II. In the existing historiography, various attitudes have been adopted. The available written sources allow to identify facts which do not raise serious doubts.

5

Od kolapsu ke krizi. Protičeskoslovenská aktivita v Bavorsku v letech 1919‒1929

72%

Bašta M.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2016

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vol. 24

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issue 1

63-105

EN

This study deals with the topic of anti-Czechoslovak activities in Bavaria in the 1920s, and looks at the activities of pan-German organisations and their crossborder activities focused on Czechoslovakia. It places the development of Bavaria’s irredentist activities in the context of the situation in Bavaria at the time, and also describes the impact of irredentist activities on Czechoslovak-German relations in the 1920s. In this regard, it manages to ascertain that the consequences of the above mentioned factors had an immediate impact on the cross-border activities of Pan-German organizations. In addition, individual activities are outlined and organizations involved in anti-Czechoslovak activities in Bavaria at the time are mapped. As such, the importance of this study is in its revealing of irredentism, previously little discussed, as one of the factors having a negative impact on Czechoslovak-German relations in the interwar period.

6

Barok wileński na artystycznej mapie Europy Środkowej

72%

Baranowski A.

Biuletyn Historii Sztuki

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2011

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vol. 73

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issue 3-4

281-340

EN

Structurally, Wilno churches cannot rival many works created in Austria, Bohemia, Bavaria, as well as Silesia, Little Poland, Great Poland, or the territories of Crown Ruthenia. Not much experimenting was carried out in their inside with space, with traditional forms having been retained. However, the architecture of columned altars set at different angles is autonomous architecture here and this makes the rigid wall frames blast thanks to which this space as if no longer connected achieves full freedom and dynamism. Wilno altars are one of the major issues in Late Baroque.

7

Sňatek Viléma z Rožmberka a Anny Marie Bádenské

72%

Bůžek V., Miller S.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2021

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vol. 119

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issue 3

565-611

EN

The study focuses on the knowledge of the preparations, the role of kinship, ceremonial, the political and religious significance of the third wedding of Vilém of Rosenberg (1535–1592) and Anna Maria of Baden (1562–1583), which took place on the 27th to the 29th of January 1578 in Český Krumlov, where the groom had his main family residence. Vilém of Rosenberg came from an ancient aristocratic family, whose rulers held the foremost place in the Kingdom of Bohemia after the monarch. He was born into the marriage of Jošt III of Rosenberg and Anna of Roggendorf. His first two wives, coming from the princely families of the Holy Roman Empire, were Lutherans. Anna Maria of Baden was the daughter of the Margrave of Baden Philibert and archduchess of Bavaria Matilda of Wittelsbach. When she was orphaned, she was raised with her brother and two sisters in the strictly Catholic milieu of the court of her uncle Albrecht V of Wittelsbach in Munich. In the background of the wedding was Ferdinand of Tyrol, who expected from the new marital alliance strengthening of the Catholicism of the political axis between Innsbruck, Munich, Prague and Vienna. Rudolf II agreed with the creation of the marital alliance, who appreciated in the supreme burgrave of the Kingdom of Bohemia the deep nobility of his family and faithful service to the Habsburgs. In negotiating the terms of the marriage, Vilém of Rosenberg was supported in Munich by Brandenburg Elector Johann Georg of Hohenzollern and the Saxon Elector August of the Wettin family, with whom he was connected by kinship ties. The largest exchange of views was evoked in the correspondence of Albrecht V of Wittelsbach and Vilém of Rosenberg by the wedding ceremony based on the exact sequence of steps, which included the reception of the sacrament of the altar, wedding reception, toast, dance, virgin sacrifice, exchange of wedding gifts and subsequent thanksgiving, chivalric entertainment, fireworks and probably also the reading of celebratory poems. After concluding the marriage, Vilém of Rosenberg expanded his kinship ties to the imperial nobility of the Catholic faith. It was not only his brother-in-law Philip II of Baden, but also both sisters-in-law married after the death of their sister to important princely and countly families of the Holy Roman Empire.

8

Falcká diplomacie mezi Heidelberkem, Mnichovem a Prahou na počátku českého stavovského povstání:

72%

Bůžek V., Miller S.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2020

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vol. 118

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issue 4

964-999

EN

The opponents of Catholicism in the Holy Roman Empire already took an interest in the religious opinions and political positions of the non-Catholic nobility in the Kingdom of Bohemia in the first decades of the 17th century. Among them, the Electors of the Palatinate occupied a decisive place, who transformed their seat in Heidelberg into a centre of Calvinism and leading the Protestant Union. A few years before the outbreak of the Bohemian Revolt, the Elector of the Palatinate Frederick V sought to ensure that his diplomats established personal ties with the main representatives of non-Catholic estates in the Kingdom of Bohemia, because he expected them to support the Union’s anti-Habsburg policy. After the Prague defenestration, he used his diplomats to find a non-violent solution to the religious conflict between the Bohemian non-Catholics and the Habsburg monarch. The decisive role of power in his diplomatic considerations was played by the Duke of Bavaria Maximilian I. Although he temporarily disbanded the Catholic League, his residence in Munich remained a solid pillar of Catholicism in the Holy Roman Empire. Before the outbreak of the Bohemian Revolt, the political communication between Heidelberg, Munich and Prague was most significantly influenced by the governor of Upper Palatinate Christian I of Anhalt-Bernburg, whose steps were followed by Ludwig Camerarius and Achaz von Dohna. Despite the gaps in the preserved sources, it was possible not only to recognise the indi- vidual steps of the mentioned Palatinate diplomats and their influence on the political decision-making of the main representatives of the non-Catholic estates of the Kingdom of Bohemia and the Duke of Bavaria but through a discursive and semantic analysis of the diplomatic documents also to look into their thought-world.

9

Śląski akcent w czeskim dokonaniu bawarskiego artysty? [Rec. „Monogramista IP. Oltář svaté Anny Samotřetí v Českým Krumlově", red. Peter Kováč, Marek Zágora, Praha 2020]

58%

Czechowicz B.

Wieki Stare i Nowe

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2023

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vol. 18

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issue 23

1-10

EN

The review concerns an extensive, collective monograph on the altar of St. Anne from 1519-1524, made by a Bavarian sculptor known as Monogramist IP. The relief was commissioned by the Bohemian lord, Zdenek Lev of Rožmitál, who was a leading figure in the political life of the Crown of the Kingdom of Bohemia in the first thirty years of the 16th century. The review proposed a different motive for commissioning the work. Its content related to family and motherhood suggests that it was created as a gift from a father to his son Adam and his wife, a Silesian noblewoman, Anna Haugwitz of Biskupice, in 1518. The review emphasized the extraordinary values of the publication, both scientific and editorial.

PL

Recenzja dotyczy obszernej, zbiorowej monografii ołtarza św. Anny z lat 1519-1524, wykonanego przez bawarskiego rzeźbiarza znanego jako Monogramista IP. Relief powstał na zamówienie czeskiego magnata, Zdeňka Lva z Rožmitála, który był czołową postacią życia politycznego Korony Królestwa Czech w pierwszym trzydziestoleciu XVI wieku. W recenzji zaproponowano inny motyw zamówienia dzieła. Jego treść, związana z rodziną i macierzyństwem, przemawia za tym, że powstało ono jako dar ojca dla syna Adama i jego poślubionej w 1518 roku śląskiej szlachcianki Anny Haugwitz z Biskupic

10

Dobry start, ale nadal daleko do podium, czyli o pierwszych ustawowych regulacjach lobbingu w Niemczech na poziomie federalnym i krajowym

58%

Wiszowaty M. M.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

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2022

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issue 6(70)

87-99

PL

Z dniem 1 stycznia 2022 r. w życie weszły dwie niemieckie ustawy dotyczące regulacji lobbingu. O ile ustawa bawarska to trzecia tego typu regulacja przyjęta w krajach związkowych, o tyle ogólnoniemiecka ustawowa regulacja lobbingu stanowi novum. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest – poza prezentacją nieopisywanych dotąd w polskiej literaturze naukowej najnowszych niemieckich regulacji lobbingowych – udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie o ich ocenę na tle standardów wypracowanych w dorobku legislacyjnym i naukowym na świecie. Czy najnowsze niemieckie regulacje lobbingowe spełniają te standardy, czy przeciwnie – powielają wielokrotnie opisywane w literaturze błędy? A może jest jeszcze inaczej i regulacje te zawierają także innowacyjne rozwiązania godne powielenia w regulacjach lobbingowych innych państw? Wreszcie – czy i w jaki sposób ustawy krajów związkowych różnią się od ustawy federalnej? Ocena niemieckich ustaw lobbingowych nie jest jednoznaczna. Z jednej strony widać, że ich projektodawcy zaznajomili się z literaturą przedmiotu, w której sformułowano model regulacji optymalnej, ustawy niemieckie zawierają, a nawet innowacyjne rozwiązania, z drugiej – mankamenty regulacji przeważają nad jej zaletami – co sygnalizowano już na etapie prac legislacyjnych. Ustawy zasługują na korekty, ale stanowią dobry start na drodze do poddania działalności lobbingowej w Niemczech efektywnej regulacji i kontroli.

EN

On January 1, 2022, two German laws on the regulation of lobbying entered into force. While the Bavarian law is the third regulation of this type adopted in the Länder, the German-wide statutory lobbying regulation is a novelty. The aim of this article is – apart from presenting the latest German lobbying regulations, which have not been described so far in the Polish scientific literature – to answer the question about their assessment against the background of the standards developed in the legislative and scientific achievements in the world. Do the latest German lobbying regulations meet these standards or, on the contrary, do they duplicate the errors repeatedly described in the literature? Or maybe these regulations also contain innovative solutions that should be copied in the lobbying regulations of other countries? Finally, do Länder laws differ from federal laws and how? The assessment of the German lobbying laws is ambiguous. On the one hand, it looks like their authors got acquainted with the literature on the subject, in which the model of optimal regulation was formulated, and German laws contain even innovative solutions. On the other – the shortcomings of the regulation outweigh its advantages – which was already signaled at the stage of legislative works. The laws deserve revision, but are a good start on the way to effectively regulate and scrutinize lobbying activities in Germany.

11

Wybory korespondencyjne w Bawarii 29 marca 2020 r. a COVID-19. Analiza empiryczna na tle debaty o zasadności organizacji wyborów w czasie pandemii

44%

Radwan A., Horonziak S.

Studia z Polityki Publicznej

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2022

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vol. 9

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issue 1(33)

115-139

EN

In March 2020, amid the COVID-19 pandemic, local elections were held in Bavaria: the first round of voting took place on 15.03.2020 (traditional and postal voting) followed by the run-off ballot on 29.03.2020 (postal voting alone). The political decision to rely solely on postal voting in the second ballot was made unanimously by all the political fractions represented in the Bavarian parliament in the sense of responsibility for public health. The run-off ballot was held in constituencies where voting in the first round did not yield a winner. There were 34 such constituencies out of a total of 96. In this way, a research sample was created embracing the above-mentioned 34 constituencies, randomly and evenly dispersed throughout the entire Bundesland, and a control sample comprising the remaining constituencies. The purpose of this paper is to test the hypothesis according to which the postal voting held in Bavaria in March 2020, amidst the pandemic, led to an increase in the number of COVID-19 cases. The results of this study may be relevant for the discussion that in April and May of 2020 was going on in Poland - and never eventually settled - where public health concerns were raised. The Bavarian example was invoked by both supporters and opponents of postal voting as the sole form of voting in the Polish presidential elections originally scheduled for May of 2020. The Bavarian precedent was instrumentalized as an argument made - respectively in favor or against - sticking to the originally adopted electoral timeline.

PL

W marcu 2020 r., a więc w czasie trwania pandemii COVID-19, w Bawarii odbyły się wybory samorządowe: 15 marca - pierwsza tura wyborów (w formie tradycyjnej oraz korespondencyjnej), a 29 marca - druga tura (jedynie w formie korespondencyjnej). Zmiana reguł głosowania między I a II turą nastąpiła w atmosferze politycznej zgody, za aprobatą wszystkich frakcji parlamentarnych. Druga tura była zorganizowana w okręgach, w których głosowanie w pierwszej turze nie przyniosło rozstrzygnięcia. Takich okręgów było 34, spośród ogólnej liczby 96 bawarskich okręgów wyborczych. W ten sposób wytworzyła się próba badawcza obejmująca wspomniane 34 okręgi, losowo i równomiernie rozproszone po terytorium całego landu, oraz próba kontrolna obejmująca pozostałe 62 okręgi. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zweryfikowanie hipotezy głoszącej, że zorganizowanie w Bawarii w marcu 2020 r., tj. w czasie trwania pandemii, wyborów w formie korespondencyjnej doprowadziło do wzrostu liczby przypadków COVID-19. Wyniki tego badania mogą być interesujące dla toczonej w Polsce w kwietniu i maju 2020 r. - i nigdy ostatecznie nierozstrzygniętej - dyskusji na temat zasadności organizacji wyborów korespondencyjnych w czasie pandemii pod względem bezpieczeństwa epidemiologicznego. Przykład Bawarii był bowiem przywoływany zarówno przez zwolenników, jak i przeciwników zorganizowania w Polsce wyborów prezydenckich w formie wyborów "kopertowych" - odpowiednio jako argument na rzecz albo przeciwko przeprowadzeniu głosowania zgodnie z pierwotnie przyjętym kalendarzem wyborczym. W niniejszym artykule zaprezentowano dane empiryczne oraz zaproponowano ich interpretację celem weryfikacji sformułowanej wyżej hipotezy, a przez to rozstrzygnięcie wzmiankowanej dyskusji na temat epidemiologicznego wymiaru wyborów korespondencyjnych.

Refine search results

Bawarski system partyjny po 1945 roku – droga do politycznej dominacji CSU

Delegitimation through Corruption: Legal and Administrative Changes in Bavaria and Prussia during the Napoleonic era (1800–1820)

The earthworks at Altheim

Kontakty Mieszka I z opozycją antyottońską Henryka Kłótnika. Zarys problematyki

Od kolapsu ke krizi. Protičeskoslovenská aktivita v Bavorsku v letech 1919‒1929

Barok wileński na artystycznej mapie Europy Środkowej

Sňatek Viléma z Rožmberka a Anny Marie Bádenské

Falcká diplomacie mezi Heidelberkem, Mnichovem a Prahou na počátku českého stavovského povstání:

Śląski akcent w czeskim dokonaniu bawarskiego artysty? [Rec. „Monogramista IP. Oltář svaté Anny Samotřetí v Českým Krumlově", red. Peter Kováč, Marek Zágora, Praha 2020]

Dobry start, ale nadal daleko do podium, czyli o pierwszych ustawowych regulacjach lobbingu w Niemczech na poziomie federalnym i krajowym

Wybory korespondencyjne w Bawarii 29 marca 2020 r. a COVID-19. Analiza empiryczna na tle debaty o zasadności organizacji wyborów w czasie pandemii