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Karol Jaroszyński (1878-1929) – europejski finansista i wizjoner z Kresów

100%
Wasyl F.
Krakowskie Pismo Kresowe
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2014
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issue 6: Rodzina na pograniczu kulturowym
107-148
EN
The article is devoted to the life and activities of Karol Jaroszyński, one of the richest and most influential people in czarist Russia at the time of its twilight. K. Jaroszyński was descended from a Polish family settled in the Borderlands (in the Kiev region). Educated within the sphere of Western and Catholic culture, he owed his financial prosperity to successful investments in the banking system of the Romanov family, and also to wide contacts and connections. K. Jaroszyński personally knew czar Nicholas II’s family, and also influential financiers and entrepreneurs who were active in Russia before the outbreak of the I World War (inter alios Emanuel Nobel, Boris Abramovich Kamienka, Vladislav Zhukowsky). He was an adherent of a theory that as a result of the domination of German capital and its “tacit” collaboration with the Bolsheviks in 1917-1918, the consolidation and eventual victory of the “red” dictatorship occurred. K. Jaroszyński took part in a plot to save the czar’s family from the hands of Bolshevist murderers (the plot was unsuccessful). He also explored, together with the British intelligence, the chances of deposition of communist dictatorship on the basis of available economic and organisational resources. In 1919 he left Russia and travelled across Western Europe, where his great determination was met with even greater lack of understanding as he attempted to form a front against the communist dictatorship in Russia which he considered, similarly to W. Churchill, as a great danger to mankind. Eventually he settled in Poland where he became famous as the founder of the Catholic University of Lublin, a Polish institution of education modelled after the Catholic University of Leuven. K. Jaroszyński was unsuccessful in his business matters conducted in his fatherland; he did not start a family. He died in poverty and solitude in Warsaw on 8 September 1929. The article features two never-before-published memoirs of people who were friends with K. Jaroszyński. These are the accounts of Kazimierz and Karol Górski, father and son. Karol Górski went on to become a professor of the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń. The writing of the article was possible thanks to the kindness and assistance of K. Jaroszyński’s family and relatives: Józef Jaroszyński, Paweł Dembinski, Teresa Bisping née Starowieyska and Wojciech Starowieyski.
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The Corriere della Sera in the years of consolidation of the fascist dictatorship in Italy: oppositional

86%
Melnyk I.
Komunikacja Społeczna. Czasopismo elektroniczne
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2014
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issue 1(9)
13-21
EN
The article analyzes the position of the leading Italian daily newspaper, the Corriere della Sera, and its director Luigi Albertini during the years of the fascist regime consolidation in Italy (1919-1925). It also investigates the factors that determined this position and outlines its impact on the catastrophic situation with journalism, freedom of speech and democracy in Italy in the following period, from 1926 on.
3

Les Maghrébins et la Grande Guerre 1914–1918

86%
Nagy L. J.
West Bohemian Historical Review
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2022
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vol. 12
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issue 2
263-273
EN
The mobilisation caused a great social mobility in the Maghreb countries that had never been seen before. More than two hundred thousand men participated in the war operations, and almost a hundred and fifty thousand went to work in the metropolitan factories. They have discovered a new world: a more egalitarian society than that of their country. They were influenced by new ideologies: nationalism, Pan-Islamism, bolshevism, and Wilson’s 14 points. The contact with the workers’ world transformed them into thinking beings – says one of their spokesmen, El Emir Khaled. The author presents the activities of Charles-André Julien (1891–1991), a social-communist militant (in 1924 he left the Communist Party) describing the awakening to self-consciousness of the Maghrebis (the “natives”) and the realization of their national and social situation. This militant, and later prominent historian of the Maghreb, contributed a lot to making the colonial problem an important matter in French political life at the beginning of the 1920s.
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Ke vztahu machnovštiny a bolševismu v roce 1920

86%
Frynta J.
Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)
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2023
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vol. 109
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issue 2
209-242
EN
This study analyzes the relationship between the Makhnovshchina (Makhno movement) and the Bolsheviks in 1920. It focuses on circumstances and factors that led Makhnovists and the Bolsheviks to sign the Starobilsk Agreement, and asks questions about how both sides perceived this agreement, and what their expectations were. It also discusses the ramifications of concluding the agreement and its significance for the subsequent alliance. The relations between the Makhnovshchina and the Bolsheviks can be characterized as ambivalent and dynamic. The relations were based in common interests that consisted of the defeat of the White Army; however, they had different goals, which gradually led to further military confrontation. Unlike the Bolsheviks, who had clear plans for the Makhnovshchina, the Makhnovists lacked a defined concept for developing their movement after the defeat of Wrangel. For the Makhnovists, the Starobilsk Agreement may have been a means to legitimize their movement; however, for the Bolsheviks, it made a convenient means for their liquidation. Thus, paradoxically, in 1920 the Makhnovshchina became an unintentional “long arm” of the Bolsheviks, which indirectly helped them gain control over southeastern Ukraine.
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Antykościelne ustawodawstwo w ZSRR za rzadów Włodzimierza Lenina (1917-1923)

72%
Szubtarski G.
Kościół i Prawo
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2013
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issue 2 (15) nr 2
63-75
EN
The article examines the problem of anti-Church legislation in Russia during the reign of Vladimir Lenin in years 1917 to 1923. Atheistic Marxist ideology regarded religion as the enemy of progress. Therefore, the Bolsheviks took power after his determined fight against the Church, with a view to its total destruction. The first point shows a short period of reli-gious freedom in Russia after the February Revolution. The second section shows how much the situation has changed after the Bolsheviks came to power. They began to pass laws that restrict the activities of the Church in the country. The third point examines a second wave of attacks on the Church in the early twenties, mainly involving the confiscation of church property. All these activities have begun a period of aggressive policy against the Church, which continued for another decades.
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Idea komunizmu w świetle nieznanych listów Mariana Zdziechowskiego do ukraińskiego metropolity Lwowa Andrzeja Szeptyckiego

72%
Wójtowicz S.
Slavica Wratislaviensia
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2013
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vol. 157
91 - 105
EN
Marian Zdziechowski, a renown Polish critic of the idea of Communism, maintained avast correspondence with many intellectuals of eastern Slavs, these include the Ukrainian Metropolitan — Andrzej Szeptycki. Zdziechowski’s letters, found at the State Historical Archive in Lviv, were written to the Metropolitan between 1933 and 1937. All presented a definitely negative attitude towards Communism and Bolshevism.
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NAUCZANIE DUSZPASTERSKO-WYCHOWAWCZE W BIOGRAFII PEDAGOGICZNEJ ORAZ KAZANIACH KSIĘDZA JULIANA MICHALCA (XX WIEK)

72%
RYSZARD M.
Scientific Bulletin of Chełm - Section of Pedagogy
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2017
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issue 1
161-184
EN
The Reverend Julian Michalec was born in 1922 in Binarowa, a village in Lwów Voivodeship of interwar Poland (former South-Eastern Borderlands). He died on July 18, 1988. Starting with methodological considerations on biography and its historical precursors and successors, this article mainly examines the Father’s life as well as pastoral and educational work. It is therefore the biography teaching of Christian inspiration and contributing to the Polish historiography and Catholic biography. Having arrived, after the Second World War, at recovered by Poland in 1945 “The Western Borderlands”, the Reverend Julian Michalec continued the given mission. Despite the antagonism of the socialist state and social “independence” movement (mainly Catholic paradigm), he defended Christian values by creating an active group of religious and patriotic intelligence of Catholic youth in the 1950s to 1980s. In general opinion, he was one of the greatest persons of the Roman Catholic Church of his time and one “of the most outstanding contemporary Polish preachers” and priests-educators. He was buried in the graveyard of St. Otto Lawrence in Bujwida Street, Wroclaw.
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Внутрішньо- та зовнішньополітичне становище Румунії у першій половині 1921 року (за донесеннями австрійської дипломатичної місії у Бухаресті)

44%
Zhaloba I., Piddubnyi I.
Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки
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2021
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issue 30
EN
This article finds out the main internal and international political events and processes in the Kingdom of Romania in the first half of 1921 covered at the reports of the envoy, later the Ambassador, of the Republic of Austria Wilhelm Stork, much of which is introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. In writing the article, the authors used general scientific and special methods, including archival heuristics. According to the results of the study, it was stated that in the first half of 1921 the internal political situation in Romania looked tense, but controlled. At that time were taken measures to prevent events of internal strife, as was the case with the newly formed Communist Party, being controlled externally, fact, which drew the attention of diplomats. The Government, comprehending the inevitability of changes, carried out agrarian reform and streamlined church relations, while pursuing a consistent policy of Romanianization of the territories that were included in the kingdom after the First World War. At the same time, everything was done to get along with the neighbors, protecting themselves from misunderstandings with them and from the threat of being left alone in the case of a Bolshevik invasion. It has succeeded in either concluding relevant agreements, signing protocol of intentions or making significant progress during the negotiations. An example of such success was the Polish-Romanian agreement on a defense alliance and joint defense against the enemy from the east. The actions aimed at creating a defense alliance for protection against Hungary, in which other interested states were involved, seemed more consistent. One of the ways to consolidate the actions of diplomats was the conclusion in 1921 of marriages between members of the Romanian and Greek dynasties. This practice will continue with the marriage between a representative of the Romanian and a representative of the Serbian dynasty later more. The only thing that failed was to reach an agreement with Soviet Russia, respectively in two main tasks - to achieve recognition by the Bolsheviks of the inclusion of Bessarabia in Romania and the return of Romanian gold and foreign exchange reserves, the waste of which the Bolsheviks denied.
UK
Стаття має на меті висвітлення внутрішньо- та зовнішньополітичних процесів у королівстві Румунія в першій половині 1921 р. на основі донесень, підготовлених посланником Австрійської Республіки Вільгельмом Шторком, значна частина яких запроваджується до наукового обігу вперше. При написанні статті авторами використано загальнонаукові та спеціальні методи, зокрема архівної евристики. За результатами проведеного дослідження констатовано, що на першу половину 1921 р. внутрішньополітична ситуація в Румунії виглядала напруженою, але контрольованою. Уряд, розуміючи невідворотність змін, здійснював аграрну реформу і впорядковував церковні відносини, паралельно здійснюючи послідовну політику румунізації територій, які були включені до королівства за результатами Першої світової війни. Для запобігання внутрішньому розбрату вживалися заходи убезпечення від діяльності керованих ззовні партій, як це було з новозаснованою Комуністичною партією, на що зверталася увага дипломатів. Одночасно, робилося все, щоб порозумітися з сусідами, убезпечивши себе від непорозумінь із ними та від загрози залишитися сам на сам у разі більшовицького вторгнення. Тут вдалося укласти відповідні угоди, підписати протоколи про наміри чи, принаймні, досягти значного прогресу в переговорах. Прикладом подібного успіху вважається польсько-румунська угода про оборонний союз та спільний захист від ворога зі сходу. Послідовнішими виглядали дії, спрямовані на створення оборонного союзу для захисту від Угорщини, до якого були залучені інші зацікавлені держави. Одним із способів закріпити дії дипломатів стало укладення в 1921 р. шлюбів між представниками румунської і грецької династій. Ця практика продовжиться і укладенням шлюбу між представницею румунської та представником сербської династії трохи згодом. Єдине, що не вдалося, так це порозумітися з радянською Росією, відповідно вирішити два ключових завдання – досягти визнання від більшовиків включення до складу Румунії Бессарабії та повернення золотовалютного запасу, розтрату якого більшовики заперечували.
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