Search results

1

Muzułmanie w buddyjskiej Birmie. Geneza i oblicza konfliktu

100%

Husarski R.

Przegląd Geopolityczny

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2015

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vol. 14

141-149

EN

The aim of this article is to present contemporary conflict between Muslims and - Buddhists in Burma. Understanding the problem is not possible without presenting the colonial past of this country and its ethnic diversity. Burma is inhabited by over 100 nationalities and social divisions date back to the creation of the first Burmese Empire. In addition, today we can observe radicalization of Theravada Buddhists Theravada world, for example by symposia and conferences published by radical monks, warning against the threat of Islam. In Burma leading figure objecting to the presence of Muslims is a monk U Wirathu. His nationalist "969 Movement" is known for its acts of vandalism against religious minorities. Writing about the situation of Muslims in Burma we can not forget about the situation Rohingya, which the UN has described as "the most persecuted ethnic group in the world".

2

Generations of Stateless People: Many Years of The Rohingya’s Personal Security at Risk and the Support of the EU

100%

Daniel K.

Security Dimensions: International & National Studies

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2021

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vol. 35(35)

22-49

EN

The Rohingya is an ethnic-religious Muslim minority that has struggled with serious human rights violations for decades. Indian migration to Burma, stimulated by British colonial rule, is pointed to as the main cause of the Muslim-Buddhist conflict. Although Indians in Burma currently constitute a fraction of the population (2.3%), resentment remained. The aim of the article is to analyze the threats to many aspects of the personal security of the Rohingya population. It is one of the most populous groups of stateless persons in the world; moreover, since the 1960s, this ethnic group has experienced oppression on a huge scale: from restrictions related to work and movement as well as difficult access to health care and education, through deprivation of civil rights , to physical violence and even death. All this is happening in the 21st century in front of the world. In order to better understand the Rohingya conflict with the Burmese army, the historical context and the course of the conflict were presented. The assistance activities of the European Union and possible solutions to this humanitarian crisis were also indicated.

3

Polityczny zmierzch birmańskiej noblistki

100%

Lubina M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2021

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issue 2 (379)

49-63

EN

Against the background of the dramatic events unfolding in Myanmar/Burma - the military has been pacifying the mass peaceful protests there - the political career of Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, the political leader of Myanmar/Burma in 2016-2021 and previously the most famous political prisoner worldwide, is nearing its end. Once the darling of the Western world, then mercilessly criticised by yesterday supporters, Suu Kyi remains an ambiguous person evoking strong emotions both domestically and internationally. As such Suu Kyi represents a fascinating case study in leadership studies. Using the agency-centred explanation in political studies, this article tries to answer the following questions: what enabled Suu Kyi to take power and which factor contributed to her political fall? Why there is her political demise? Why Suu Kyi enjoyed the West's support and why she lost it? How can we assess her governanance?

4

Overshadowed by kala. India‑Burma Relations

100%

Lubina M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2016

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issue 40

435-454

EN

India seems to fit well with Burma. Long common history, deep cultural relations, similar heritage and geographic proximity – all this should help to upgrade India‑Burma relations. There is, however, one major obstacle: a historical and cultural burden, which can be summarized by the Burmese name for Indians: kala. Literally kala means “alien,” but at present it refers to Indians only. In Burmese conditions it has a wider, metaphorical meaning: something between “unwanted,” “hated” and “despicable.” In this sense, kala is a cultural phenomenon, a kind of “burdensome heritage” that influences the political relations between India and Burma. In this way, kala still looms large on the horizon of India‑Burma relations blocks their development.

5

A Lioness Turned into a Fox. A Political Realist View of Myanmar’s Aung San Suu Kyi

100%

Lubina M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2020

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issue 2 (49)

41-57

EN

For long Aung San Suu Kyi has been considered a global hero. After 2012, however, that deification has given way to condemnation. Suu Kyi was a hero; a hero who after 2012 betrayed the alleged values. The reason of this radical change of perception is the fact that until 2012 Suu Kyi had been considered a personification of idealism in politics and for “betraying” these values she has been criticized since then. This article claims that both mentioned discourses on Suu Kyi miss the point and are being built on wrong assumptions. Contrary to popular belief Suu Kyi has always been a politician; more: a realist politician. Therefore, the aspects that should be questioned are not whether is she a good or bad one or whether she turned away from the people or even whether she has changed or not, etc. The question is, whether she is a skillful politician – she must be judged by the ethic of responsibility. Suu Kyi’s tactics evolved according with changing political circumstances – she combined two archetypes of political behavior: that of a “lion”, or rather “lioness” and that of a “fox”. That itself shows one thing: Suu Kyi possesses prudence, the ultimate political value.

6

The political twilight of the Burmese Nobel Prize laureate

100%

Lubina M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2023

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issue Special Issue 2023

121-137

EN

Against the background of the dramatic events unfolding in Myanmar/Burma where the military had been pacifying mass peaceful protests, the political career of Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, the political leader of Myanmar/Burma in 2016-2021 and previously one of the world’s most famous political prisoners, is nearing its end. Once the darling of the Western world, then mercilessly criticised by former supporters, Aung San Suu Kyi remains an ambiguous figure who evokes strong emotions both domestically and internationally. As such Aung San Suu Kyi represents a fascinating case study in leadership studies. Using the agency-centred explanation in political studies, this article tries to answer the questions related to the political career of Aung San Suu Kyi. These include: What allowed her to take power and what factors contributed to her political fall? What caused her political decline? Why did Suu Kyi enjoy the Western support and why did she lose it? How can her governance be assessed?

7

Moving Beyond Hermit Kingdoms. Korea in Burma’s Foreign Policy.

100%

Lubina M.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2015

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issue 3

161-175

EN

This paper deals with the problem of the Burma-Korea relations. It starts from the intriguing fact that both Burma and Korea, despite not having much in common, have been called the Hermit Kingdoms. This paper asks whether this “hermit” similarity has had any effect on their relations and what the place of Korea in Burma’s foreign policy has been. After describing the hermit heritage in the Burmese and the Korean political cultures, this papers concludes that Korean issues have not been central to the Burmese policy. They form an important, though a secondary, dimension. As for the place of Korea(s) in Burma’s foreign policy, the answer is equally unimpressive. The political relations between Burma and both Korean states have not been strategic. Two events attracted the world’s attention to the Burmese-Korean relations – the assassination in Rangoon and Burma’s nuclear affair with North Korea – but both turned out to be mere incidents. North Korea – Burma relations stalled, or hibernated, after Burma started its reforms and opening up to the West in 2011. For the same reasons of reforms, however, Burma has become even more interesting for South Korea. Myanmar may become a place for massive South Korean investments soon. It is the economic dominance of South Korea that makes the Burma-Korea relations asymmetric. It’s a “normalized asymmetry”, however, one where both sides are confident of fulﬁ lling their basic interests and expectations of mutual benefits. This “normalized asymmetry” makes the Burma-South Korea relations bound to develop in the future.

8

Set the Torturers Free: Transitional Justice and Peace vs Justice Dilemma in Burma/Myanmar

86%

Lubina M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2018

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vol. 1 (47)

77-96

EN

Burma/Myanmar seems to be a perfect ground for transitional justice with both long-failed transitions to democracy that seemed to succeed in 2015 finally and smouldering civil war taking place there since 1948 (since the 1990s limited to Borderlands). Unfortunately, the political realities in Burma/Myanmar make it unlikely, if not impossible, for transitional justice to be applicable in Burma/Myanmar. The victorious in 2015 elections democratic opposition party, National League for Democracy (NLD) came to power thanks to the political deal with the former military government and is consequently being forced to cohabitate politically with the army that still holds critical political checks over the government. It made NLD’s leader, Aung San Suu Kyi to conduct moderate domestic policy without trying to charge the generals for their former crimes. In this circumstances, transitional justice is unwanted by mainstream political actors (NLD, the army) and seen as threatening to peace by many in the Myanmar society. This approach firmly places Burma/Myanmar on one side of the ‘peace vs justice’ dilemma. It answers the “torturer problem”, one of the central problems of transitional justice – how to deal with members of the previous regime which violated human rights – in ‘old fashion’ way, by granting them full amnesty. As such Burma/Myanmar case also falsifies an optimistic claim that transitional justice is necessary for political reforms.

9

Igrając z ogniem. Antymuzułmańska mobilizacja społeczna w Birmie

86%

Lubina M.

Studia Socjologiczno-Polityczne. Seria Nowa

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2015

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vol. 04(2)

69-85

PL

This article discusses anti-Muslim social mobilization against the people calling themselves the Rohingya in Burma. Resentment against this minority unites all political actors in Burma: the society, the army, and even the currently ruling former pro-democracy opposition. Although persecution of the Rohingya from the perspective of Burma concerns marginal groups in the deep province, due to the media attention it has become the most well-known domestic problem of that country, however wrongly compared to the threat of genocide. Persecution of the Rohingya is, in fact, an example of social mobilization driven top-down in order to stay in power and maintain privileges of the former military regime, not the evidence of the threat of genocide.

10

Sanskrit and Pāli Influence on Languages and Literatures of Ancient Java and Burma

86%

Zakharyin B.

Lingua Posnaniensis

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2013

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vol. 55

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issue 2

151-158

EN

This paper describes the linguistic and cultural influence of India on the countries of Indo-China in the 5th to 15th centuries A D. It is shown that India’s penetration into South-East Asia took the forms of Late Brahmanism ~ Early Hinduism and of Buddhism. Indian settlers were promoting different variants of Sanskrit written culture in Java. Differences between culturally dominant Sanskrit, the language of the Indian migrants, and the orally used Austronesian languages of Java were great; as a result of interaction between the two there appeared highly Sanskritized versions of Old Western Javanese (Kavi) and later also of Old Balinese. Between the 7th and 15th centuries a great number of literary texts in Kavi were created in Java. The influx of Indian culture into ancient Burma, realized mostly by the land-route and only partially by sea, implied two main waves differing linguistically: the Sanskrit-bound wave and the P āli-bound one. Under the influence of Sanskrit and numerous texts in Sanskrit a Mon script based on the Indian brāhmī was developed in Upper Burma in the 9th century; later on it became the national system of writing, in use even today. The starting point for the history of Pāli epigraphy and literature in Burma was 1058 AD when Theravāda Buddhism was proclaimed the state religion of the Pagan kingdom. In the 11th to 15th centuries a great number of works in different fields of knowledge appeared in Burma. T he language used in them was a creolized Pāli/Burmese resulting from the intensive linguistic interaction between Pāli and Sanskrit on one hand and the vernaculars on the other. The most important stages in the development of this language and of literary activity in it are characterized.

11

W świecie birmańskiego terroryzmu religijnego

72%

Pietrasik K.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2022

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vol. 20

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issue 4

249-260

EN

The text focuses on the discussion of religious terrorism by the Buddhist majority against the Muslim minority, which has been a discriminated group for many years. The precursor to today's Burmese fundamentalism is the clergyman, Saydaw Wirathu. Wirathu calls himself Burmese bin Laden.

PL

W tekście skupiono się na omówieniu terroryzmu religijnego ze strony buddyjskiej większości względem mniejszości muzułmańskiej, która od wielu lat jest grupą dyskryminowaną. Prekursorem dzisiejszego fundamentalizmu birmańskiego jest duchowny, Saydaw Wirathu. Wirathu sam siebie nazywa birmańskim bin Ladenem.

12

Geneza i anatomia konfliktów wewnętrznych w Birmie

72%

Niedziela S.

Przegląd Geopolityczny

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2017

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vol. 20

95-116

PL

Od czasu uzyskania niepodległości w 1948 roku Birma znajduje się w stanie wojny domowej. Podłożem konfliktów jest zróżnicowanie etniczno-religijne oraz generujący powszechną opozycję niedemokratyczny system rządów. Birma jest państwem zdominowanym pod względem polityczno-ekonomicznym przez buddyjskich Bamarów (Birmańczyków). Powoduje to rewindykacje mniejszości narodowych: Szanów, Karenów, Kaczinów, Czinów, Karenni i Monów. Obecnie najbardziej dyskryminowaną grupą są muzułmanie Rohingya. Dalsze prześladowania w stosunku do tej wspólnoty mogą doprowadzić do powstania lokalnych organizacji fundamentalistycznych oraz zaktywizować regionalne komórki Al-Kaidy. Zawarte w latach 2011-2013 porozumienia z ugrupowaniami rebelianckimi nie gwarantują natychmiastowego wygaszenia sporów i pełnej stabilizacji państwa, gdyż siły rządowe ciągle odpowiedzialne są za brutalne akcje pacyfikacyjne i nagminne łamanie praw człowieka. Wydarzeniem o epokowym znaczeniu dla historii Birmy były wybory parlamentarne z 8 listopada 2015r. W pełni potwierdziły one legitymizację partii opozycyjnych. Główne ugrupowanie antyreżimowe Narodowa Liga na Rzecz Demokracji odniosło druzgocące zwycięstwo nad popieraną przez rząd i kręgi wojskowe Partią Jedności, Solidarności i Rozwoju. Głównym zadaniem nowych władz Birmy będzie pokojowe rozwiązanie konfliktów etniczno-religijnych, zagrażających integralności i spoistości wewnętrznej państwa

EN

The article discusses the issue of internal conflicts in contemporary Burma (Myanmar). The author is putting forward the idea that for most of its independent years (since 1948), Burma has been involved in one of the world’s longest-running civil wars. Many ethnic groups including Karens, Kachins, Shans, Karennis, Chins and Mons have been waging separate wars for more than 60 years. Initial ceasefire agreements have been signed in 2011-2013. However fighting is still on-going in many areas and peace continues to remain elusive. Actually the Rohingya people (Burmese muslims) are one of the most persecuted minorities in the world. In 2012 two waves of violence erupted between the Rohingya and Buddhist Rakhine resulting in mass killings and torture.

13

East Asian Authoritarian Regimes in the Context of the Arab Spring

72%

Trojnar E.

Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies

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2014

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vol. 29

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issue 3

103-121

EN

The Arab Spring which swept through the Middle East and the situation of the authoritarian states of East Asia are an interesting phenomenon for political analysis, while the majority of Asians are still not governed freely. This study examines, in a descriptive way, the situation in North Korea, Burma, China, Vietnam, and Laos in their relation to the Arab Spring as a source of inspiration for social riots that lead to systemic changes. It is based on the Western classification of political regimes and the understanding of political changes. Since 2011, the probability of a mass emergence of pro-democratic transformations in authoritarian states of East Asia has remained at the level of supposition. The strong awareness of pragmatism which guides the authoritarian leaders additionally moves this perspective to the category of wishful thinking. The observed political thaw in Burma was not a result of the Arab Spring, but another example of junta’s rationality. The communist parties in the remaining countries insistently defend the order they are familiar with, knowing that the new order could bring about as much good as bad. The North Korean dictator, regardless of the example of Near East, invariably realizes the state’s vision. The transformations in the Arab World did not bring about political reforms in East Asia. On the contrary, the Arab Spring helped those in power control their citizens even closely, which sheds light on political changes in East Asia in the future.

14

Syria 2.0? Czy Birma w dalekowschodniej polityce Federacji Rosyjskiej odegra podobną rolę do Syrii w bliskowschodniej strategii Kremla?

58%

Lubina M.

Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie

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2023

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vol. 3(39)

9-35

PL

Jednym z nieoczekiwanych pobocznych następstw wojny rosyjsko-ukraińskiej jest intensyfikacja stosunków rosyjsko-birmańskich. Dla Rosji Birma była tradycyjnie drugorzędnym partnerem, istotnym tylko ze względu na bycie ważnym klientem kompleksu wojenno-przemysłowego. Globalna półizolacja Federacji Rosyjskiej po napaści na Ukrainę zmieniła te kalkulacje podnosząc znaczenie Birmy w polityce zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej. Dla samej Birmy stosunki te stały się istotne już wcześniej, zwłaszcza po wojskowym puczu w 2021 r., gdy Rosja wyrosła na główną protektorkę birmańskich generałów. Powyższe przyczyny sprawiły, że stosunki rosyjsko-birmańskie osiągnęły największą, bezprecedensową intensyfikację w całej swojej historii.

EN

The intensification of Russia-Myanmar relations has been one of the unexpected consequences of Russo-Ukrainian war. For Russian Federation Burma/ Myanmar used to be a secondary partner, important only due to being the major client of the military-industrial complex. Global (semi)isolation of Russia changed these calculations, upgrading the importance of Myanmar in Russia’s foreign policy. For Naypyidaw these relations have been important since the last coup (1 February 2021), in the aftermath of the putsch Moscow became the biggest international protector of Burmese generals. Due to these two reasons Russia-Myanmar relations have reached the unprecedented high level, unseen in history of this bilateral relations.

15

Konflikt buddyjsko-muzułmański w birmańskim Arakanie jako przykład konsekwencji dekolonizacji w Azji Południowo-Wschodniej

58%

Lubina M.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2019

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issue 34

299-315

PL

Uwagę naukowców, dziennikarzy i innych publicystów piszących o Birmie w ostatnich latach przykuła przede wszystkim sprawa prześladowań nieuznanej muzułmańskiej mniejszości Rohingya, której większość ludności została wygnana do Bangladeszu. Brutalna rozprawa armii birmańskiej z Rohingya, niosąca znamiona zbrodni przeciw ludzkości i czystki etnicznej, zepchnęła na dalszy plan birmańską transformację ustrojową i zniszczyła dobry image międzynarodowy Birmy. Sam casus Rohingya pokazuje z kolei w modelowy wręcz sposób głębsze, bo sięgające kolonializmu i dekolonizacji przyczyny konfliktów na obszarach postkolonialnych ogóle, a w Azji Południowo-Wschodniej i Azji Południowej w szczególności.

EN

In the recent years, repression against Rohingya – an unrecognized Muslim minority in Burma/Myanmar expelled recently from Myanmar to Bangladesh – became the most recognised Burma-related (or perhaps even Southeast Asia-related) event worldwide. Rohingya’s exodus, accompanied by crimes against humanity, overshadowed Myanmar’s political transformation and annihilated the positive image of this country. The background that led to this ethnic cleansing, however, is deeper and connected to the painful decolonisation of Burma. As such, it represents the model case study of problematic decolonisation in Southeast Asia.

16

Polskie Wellingtony nad Chinami? O projekcie wykorzystania polskiego lotnictwa bombowego na froncie chińsko-japońskim w 1942 roku

51%

Marchlewicz K.

Przegląd Historyczno-Wojskowy

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2022

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vol. XXIII (LXXIV)

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issue 2 (280)

106-125

EN

At the beginning of 1942, the situation of the Kuomintang military forces, who had been fighting the Japanese since 1937, was extremely difficult. The Japanese attack on Burma cut the Chinese off from the much needed American and British supplies that were delivered via the so-called Burma Road. Chang Kai-shek’s envoys in Washington and London solicited all possible assistance, in particular air and material support for their ground forces. In March 1942, T. V. Soong, the acting Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kuomintang, met with the Prime Minister of the Polish Government-in-Exile, General Władysław Sikorski in Washington DC. Sikorski proposed to send two Polish bomber squadrons and a group of glider experts to the Sino-Japanese front, which would increase the transport capacity of the Allied aircraft maintaining the air bridge between India and the Chinese province of Yunnan. Despite the enthusiasm of the Chinese side, which was striving to sign a Polish-Sino-American treaty on this matter, Sikorski’s concept turned out to be impossible. This article presents the course of the talks between the Polish and the Chinese and discusses the main reasons why Polish-Chinese cooperation in the field of aviation did not take place.

DE

Anfang 1942 war die Lage für die Kuomintang-Truppen, die seit 1937 gegen die Japaner kämpften, äußerst schwierig. Die japanische Invasion Birmas hatte die Chinesen von den amerikanischen und britischen Lieferungen, die über die so genannte Burma Road transportiert wurden, abgeschnitten. Die Gesandten von Chang Kai-shek baten in Washington und London um jede mögliche Hilfe, insbesondere um Luft- und Materialunterstützung für ihre Bodentruppen. Im März 1942 fand in der VS-Hauptstadt ein Treffen zwischen dem amtierenden Kuomintag-Außenminister T. V. Soong mit dem Premierminister der polnischen Exilregierung, General Władysław Sikorski statt. Sikorski schlug den Chinesen vor, zwei polnische Bomberstaffeln und eine Gruppe von Segelflugexperten an die chinesisch-japanische Front zu entsenden, um die Transportkapazitäten der alliierten Flugzeuge zu verbessern, die eine Luftbrücke zwischen Indien und der chinesischen Provinz Yunnan unterhielten. Trotz der Begeisterung auf chinesischer Seite, die ein polnisch-chinesisch-amerikanisches Abkommen anstrebte, erwies sich Sikorskis Konzept als undurchführbar. Der Aufsatz skizziert den Verlauf der Gespräche zwischen Polen und China und die Hauptgründe, des Nichtzustandekommens der polnisch-chinesische Zusammenarbeit in der Luftfahrt.

PL

W początkach 1942 r. sytuacja walczących z Japończykami od 1937 r. wojsk Kuomintangu była niezwykle trudna. Japońskie uderzenie na Birmę odcięło Chińczyków od amerykańskich i brytyjskich dostaw realizowanych tzw. Drogą Birmańską. Wysłannicy Chang Kai-sheka w Waszyngtonie i Londynie zabiegali o każdą możliwą pomoc, w tym zwłaszcza o wsparcie lotnicze i materiałowe dla swoich sił lądowych. W marcu 1942 r. w stolicy USA doszło do spotkania pełniącego obowiązki ministra spraw zagranicznych Kuomintagu T. V. Soonga z premierem Rządu RP na uchodźstwie gen. Władysławem Sikorskim. Sikorski zaproponował Chińczykom wysłanie na front chińsko-japoński dwóch polskich dywizjonów bombowych oraz grupy ekspertów szybowcowych, którzy mieli zwiększyć możliwości transportowe alianckich samolotów utrzymujących most powietrzny między Indiami a chińską prowincją Yunnan. Mimo entuzjazmu ze strony chińskiej, która dążyła do podpisania polsko-chińsko-amerykańskiego układu w tej sprawie, koncepcja Sikorskiego okazała się niewykonalna. Artykuł przedstawia przebieg rozmów między Polakami i Chińczykami oraz główne powody, dla których polsko-chińska współpraca w zakresie lotnictwa nie doszła do skutku.

Refine search results

Muzułmanie w buddyjskiej Birmie. Geneza i oblicza konfliktu

Generations of Stateless People: Many Years of The Rohingya’s Personal Security at Risk and the Support of the EU

Polityczny zmierzch birmańskiej noblistki

Overshadowed by kala. India‑Burma Relations

A Lioness Turned into a Fox. A Political Realist View of Myanmar’s Aung San Suu Kyi

The political twilight of the Burmese Nobel Prize laureate

Moving Beyond Hermit Kingdoms. Korea in Burma’s Foreign Policy.

Set the Torturers Free: Transitional Justice and Peace vs Justice Dilemma in Burma/Myanmar

Igrając z ogniem. Antymuzułmańska mobilizacja społeczna w Birmie

Sanskrit and Pāli Influence on Languages and Literatures of Ancient Java and Burma

W świecie birmańskiego terroryzmu religijnego

Geneza i anatomia konfliktów wewnętrznych w Birmie

East Asian Authoritarian Regimes in the Context of the Arab Spring

Syria 2.0? Czy Birma w dalekowschodniej polityce Federacji Rosyjskiej odegra podobną rolę do Syrii w bliskowschodniej strategii Kremla?

Konflikt buddyjsko-muzułmański w birmańskim Arakanie jako przykład konsekwencji dekolonizacji w Azji Południowo-Wschodniej

Polskie Wellingtony nad Chinami? O projekcie wykorzystania polskiego lotnictwa bombowego na froncie chińsko-japońskim w 1942 roku