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1

MAĎARI NA SLOVENSKU NA PRELOME PÄŤDESIATYCH A ŠESŤDESIATYCH ROKOV 20. STOROČIA

100%
Gabzdilová S.
Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied
|
2013
|
vol. 16
|
issue 4
-
EN
The paper analyses the status of members of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia at the end of 1950s and beginning of 1960s. The topic concerns the conditions of the society governed by the ruling Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. It is shown that Hungarian community was not perceived as an independent ethno-social entity and that ethnic policy of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in relation to Hungarians was limited to cultural, educational and linguistic issues only.
2

ANTONIN NOVOTNY AND THE SLOVAK ISSUE IN THE 1960s (Antonin Novotny wobec kwestii slowackiej w latach 60. XX w.)

100%
Gasior G.
Dzieje Najnowsze
|
2008
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issue 3
109-116
EN
Antonin Novotny assumed the function of First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in 1953 and the office of the President of Czechoslovakia in 1957, at a time when Slovak national organs and the Communist Party of Slovakia had been totally subjugated to Prague centralism, and all strivings towards increasing their independence were regarded as 'bourgeois nationalism' and liquidated at the very onset. The question of Slovak self-government returned at the beginning of the 1960s together with de-Stalinisation and the wish of some of the Slovak Party groups and intelligentsia to rehabilitate the 'bourgeois nationalists' - communists, headed by Gustav Husák, sentenced at a political trail held in 1954. Despite their rehabilitation in 1963 Novotny continued to deploy the menace of Slovak nationalism and opposed all intentions to increase the competence of Slovak national and Party organs. More, he was of the opinion that the 'Slovak question' was a mere economic problem and not a national one. His numerous unfortunate decisions, emphasis on Czech contribution to the economic promotion of the eastern part of the country, a tendency to ignore the national tradition of Slovakia and its communist leaders meant that Novotny aggravated increasingly wide circles of the local Party apparatus. In October 1967 this trend resulted in a controversy between Novotny and the leadership of the Communist Party of Slovakia, headed by Alexander Dubcek, which resulted in Novotny being deprived of the function of First Secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (January 1968) and the post of President (March 1968) and inaugurated the 'Prague spring'.
3

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA IN KOŠICE DURING THE PERIOD OF THE BOLSHEVIZATION (YEARS 1924 – 1929)

100%
Olejník M.
Mesto a dejiny
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2017
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vol. 6
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issue 1
48 – 66
EN
The submitted paper focuses on main events affecting the process of Bolshevization of the Czechoslovak Communist Party in Košice during years 1924 – 1929. The primary sources relevant to gaining information of the whole process are till now unpublished documents deposited in the State Archive in Košice, namely funds Košická župa and Policajné riaditeľstvo Košice. Development of political and personal situation in Košice communist organization is complemented by changes in the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia on state level and impact of these changes upon Košice branch. In a concise fashion are also probed interferences of the Communist International, which had a substantial impact upon developments if CPC as well as communist organization in Košice. The aim of the paper is also take into consideration a social situation in Košice and its impact on personal relations of exponents of CPC.
4

NOVÉ ÚLOHY UČITEĽOV NA SLOVENSKU V OBDOBÍ VRCHOLIACEHO STALINIZMU (1948 – 1953)

100%
Gabzdilová S.
Studia Historica Nitriensia
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2017
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vol. 21
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issue 1
137 – 154
EN
The paper analyse a new situation of teachers in Slovakia during the period of culmination of communist dictate, when the whole educational process on all levels of schools was subordinated by direct dictated of the one political subject – the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC). To the ideology of CPC – Marxism-Leninism was subordinated also all activity of teachers. The pedagogues were exposed to the strong ideological pressure. The paper is offering a picture about strategy applied toward teachers, who were not conforming to the requirements of CPC. The pedagogues who were unwilling to comply with the new conditions, were released, or transferred to schools in the remoted regions situated in small villages. The leadership of CPC was fully aware of deep influence which teachers have upon pupils and students. The paper is mapping the strategy of school authorities in pursuance of education in line with ideology of Marxism-Leninism. Teachers were obliged to attend various ideological and political lectures and classes. At the same time they were obliged to increase their qualification via study in addition to their teaching duties. The paper also elaborates on various activities performed by pedagogues, which were not connected to their professional duties.
5

GUSTÁV HUSÁK – FIRST SECRETARY OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA (1969–1970)

100%
Štefanský M.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2016
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vol. 64
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issue 5
899 – 916
EN
The study analyses the political decisions of Gustáv Husák from his election to the position of first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in April 1969 until December 1970. On the basis of the original sources, it evaluates the development, in which important normalization measures were applied in the political leadership of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. The position on the so-called anti-socialist forces in the Communist party, rehabilitations, expulsion from the Communist Party, the policy of the “ultra-leftist forces” and evaluation of the developments before and after January 1968 were changed. G. Husák’s Normalization policy was carried out under pressure from Moscow, which supported the domestic conservative forces.
6

ÚSILIE O HUMANIZÁCIU ČLOVEKA A OBČANA

88%
Kmeť N.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2018
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vol. 11
|
issue 2
3 – 19
EN
Miroslav Kusý belongs to the generation of intellectuals of the 20th century who never doubted that the implementation of communist ideals would secure peace and prosperity for all humanity. Gradually, however, his opinions ceased to correspond to the party line, and in 1971 he was expelled from the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia.After his break with communist ideology, he nevertheless remained committed to Marxism, and this at the time of his open conflict with the Normalization regime. M. Kusý’s persecution culminated in August 1989, when he was taken into custody with Jan Čarnogurský, Hana Ponická, Vladimír Maňák and Anton Selecký were arrested as well. Together, they formed the wellknown Bratislava Five. Kusý advocated reintegration of political science into the system of scientific disciplines as early as the 1960s. He argued in its favour by saying that the former contributes to the understanding of social, political and economic problems. Since 1990, he has significantly contributed to the development of political science in Slovakia and is still one of the leading advocates of human rights. His opinions are always closely monitored and at times trigger negative reactions. Kusý has frequently encountered attacks on his person, his opinions and attitudes in the mass media - not only during the Normalization period but also after 1990. He has always striven to find answers through his own reasoning and fact-finding and to arrive at conclusions that would reflect both the particular period and the level of knowledge of the time. His life stance has garnered him honours including the state awards of the Slovak Republic, the Czech Republic and Hungary.
7
Content available remote

Ty ještě věříš, soudruhu?

88%
Weis M.
Studia theologica
|
2009
|
vol. 11
|
issue 1
60-69
EN
The top officials of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia almost always perceived any belief in God and religion as something negative, according to the marxist mantra that 'religion is the opium of the people'. This study by concentrating directly on the rank-and-file members of the Communist Party, is trying to find an answer to what degree the Party managed to achieve its goal to eradicate religiosity among its own members in the 2nd half of the 20th century. Considering the extent of the matter, this study is a piece of research analysing only the state of religiousness of the members of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in South Bohemia. It is based on as yet unpublished archive materials of the South Bohemian Regional Committee of the CP of Czechoslovakia. The archive materials confirmed the fact that, despite the persistent efforts, the party leaders did not succeed in achieving 'zero religiousness' among the party members of the South Bohemian CP of Czechoslovakia. Other author's publications:
8

VILIAM ŠIROKÝ AND JÚLIUS ĎURIŠ – FAMILY ORIGIN, SOCIAL RELATIONS AND BEGINNINGS OF THEIR WORK IN THE COMMUNIST MOVEMENT

88%
Černák T.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2014
|
vol. 62
|
issue suppl. issue
109 – 139
EN
Viliam Široký and Július Ďuriš, who lived in a nationally mixed environment, were convinced communists from their youth. The fact that they came from socially weak backgrounds also influenced their ideological orientation. Široký engaged in the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia from its origin and quickly gained a place among the most important communist functionaries in Slovakia. As a result of his studies, Ďuriš only began his career as a professional revolutionary at the end of his twenties, but in this period he already showed his radicalism. From the beginning of their revolutionary activities, Široký and Ďuriš came into conflict with the state authorities and were forced to live in illegality for some time. During the internal party crisis around the turn of the years 1928-1929, they joined the group around Klement Gottwald and supported the so-called Bolshevization of the CPC. Široký later worked in the apparatus of the Communist Internationale. In 1935 he became a member of parliament. In the mid-1930s, Ďuriš became organizational secretary of the Regional Leadership of the CPC in Slovakia.
9

CIEŚLAROVA PLATFORMA – NÁRODNOSTNÁ OTÁZKA V TEŠÍNSKU V OBDOBÍ STALINIZMU

75%
Gąsior G.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2009
|
vol. 2
|
issue 2
42 – 57
EN
In the Communist era, the so-called Cieślar Platform was the only program addressing nationality issues in the Czech part of the Teschen Silesia inhabited by the Polish minority. Its author was Paweł Cieślar, member of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and Polish autochthon, who prepared several memorandums containing a plan for the regulation of nationality issues in the territory inhabited by Poles. His assumption was that the whole indigenous population in the region, who used the local dialect, were Polish, regardless of their official nationality. According to Cieślar, the population censuses that prior to the establishment of the Czechoslovak State had reported the prevalence of the Czech population did not reflect the actual state of affairs and he accounted for the declining number of Poles in the Czechoslovak population census by national oppression. His main ambition was to establish autonomy in the counties of Karviná and Český Těšín. He proposed further that all members of the autochthonous population sent their children to schools with Polish as language of instruction. Schools with the Czech language of instruction, where the Polish language would be regarded as an obligatory subject, would be intended only for the incomers. Due to the resolution of the Central Committee of the CPC, his “platform”, represented in a distorted manner, was publicly denounced at a regional conference in Český Těšín in April 1951. Cieślar was labelled as „bourgeois nationalist”, stripped of all party posts, and was expelled from the Party in February 1952. The propaganda campaign against him served as a means for strengthening the Party control over the Polish minority organisations and for swallowing up of Polish youth organisations by their state counterparts.
10

FORMING PUPIL´S POSITIVE RELATIONSHIP TO THE SOVIET UNION IN THE PERIOD OF SOCIALISM IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA THROUGH THE LENS OF CHRONICLES

75%
Gubricová J.
Slovenský národopis (Slovak Ethnology)
|
2021
|
vol. 69
|
issue 2
236 - 254
EN
The cooperation of Czechoslovakia (and other socialist countries) with the Soviet Union was an important phenomenon during the period of socialism. It represented one form of building and consolidating socialism within socialist countries. Relationships with the Soviet Union affected political, ideological, economic and cultural domains, including education. This study follows points of departure and forms of building children’s positive relationship with the Soviet Union in the period of socialism. The content analysis of the Pioneer Organisation chronicles shows that the most frequently identified forms of activities were regularly organised (celebrations of memorial days and public holidays, politically motivated commitments, correspondence, games, expeditions, competitions, etc.). Some identified activities could be considered occasional, as they reflected current events in the Soviet Union (showing Soviet films, deaths of prominent politicians, anniversaries of birth/death of politicians, etc.). The proclaimed “diversity and attractiveness of content and forms” can characterise the process, and it affected many domains of children’s lives. However, the (in)direct power interest of the Soviet Union was hidden in the proclamation of “children’s well-being”, while the programme of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia was implemented to reinforce the communistic ideology and actual political interests.
11

ČESKOSLOVENSKO A POĽSKÉ LETO ROKU 1980

75%
Kobus A.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2008
|
vol. 56
|
issue 2
287-313
EN
During the outbreak of the so-called 'Solidarity' revolution in Poland in 1980, Czechoslovakia took an unambiguously negative position towards this movement. This is not at all surprising. However, it is significant that the party and state representatives of Czechoslovakia also adopted a very negative position towards the government of neighbouring Poland after the famous August agreement between representatives of the government and striking workers on the Baltic coast. The situation in Poland, for which the Polish United Workers' Party still bore responsibility, was subjected to very sharp and uncompromising criticism in Czechoslovakia. The author also devotes attention to the considerations and preparations for military intervention in Poland by the USSR, East Germany and Czechoslovakia in 1980.
12

VILIAM ŠIROKÝ A JÚLIUS ĎURIŠ – RODINNÝ PÔVOD, SOCIÁLNE POMERY A ZAČIATKY PÔSOBENIA V KOMUNISTICKOM HNUTÍ

75%
Černák T.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2013
|
vol. 61
|
issue 2
313 – 342
EN
Viliam Široký and Július Ďuriš, who lived in a nationally mixed environment, were convinced communists from their youth. The fact that they came from socially weak backgrounds also influenced their ideological orientation. Široký engaged in the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia from its origin and quickly gained a place among the most important communist functionaries in Slovakia. As a result of his studies, Ďuriš only began his career as a professional revolutionary at the end of his twenties, but in this period he already showed his radicalism. From the beginning of their revolutionary activities, Široký and Ďuriš came into conflict with the state authorities and were forced to live in illegality for some time. During the internal party crisis around the turn of the years 1928-1929, they joined the group around Klement Gottwald and supported the so-called Bolshevization of the CPC. Široký later worked in the apparatus of the Communist Internationale. In 1935 he became a member of parliament. In the mid-1930s, Ďuriš became organizational secretary of the Regional Leadership of the CPC in Slovakia.
13

SNAHY O JAZYKOVÉ OVLÁDNUTIE STREDOEURÓPSKEJ KRAJINY – POČIATKY ĽUDOVÝCH KURZOV RUŠTINY V ČESKOSLOVENSKU

75%
Hasarová Z.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2022
|
vol. 70
|
issue 3
429–459
EN
The paper focuses on the period of the late 1940s, and partly the early 1950s. It focuses on the founding period of the communist regime in Czechoslovakia. The article analyses in more detail Moscow’s efforts, interpreted and organized by the domestic state party, to spread the Russian language among the broad strata of Czechoslovak society. This phenomenon of evening courses for adults, working citizens – the so-called people´s Russian courses –, examines in relation to the coming Sovietization of Czechoslovakia as a part of the countries of the Eastern bloc during the Cold War. It focuses on the beginnings of the event, the way it was presented and its organizational problems. He also researches if and why it was, or could have been successful and, conversely, what obstacles prevented its success.
14

KOMUNISTICKÁ STRANA SLOVENSKA 1945 – 1948: ČLENSTVO, ORGANIZÁCIA, VEDENIE, STRANÍCKY APARÁT, VZŤAH KU KSČ

75%
Pešek J.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2011
|
vol. 59
|
issue 3
471 – 491
EN
The Communist Party of Slovakia (CPS) formed in May 1939, became a government party in spring 1945. Its membership base grew rapidly, reaching almost 200,000 by the end of 1945. After re-registration of members and party screening at the end of 1945 and the beginning of 1946, the party had about 150,000 members in the middle of 1946, but their number was again approaching 200,000 at the time of the February coup of 1948. The organizational structure of the CPS comprised four parts. The first was the local or village organizations, the second were the district organizations in all 80 districts, and the third were the 11 regional organizations. The fourth and highest part was the leadership of the CPS, which is the Central Committee and associated bodies. The CPS had a professional party apparatus. It was not very numerous, with perhaps 200 functionaries from the districts to the centre. This number increased only slightly up to February 1948. After the liberation, the central figures in the leadership of the CPS were Karol Šmidke and Gustav Husák. This leadership was removed at the national conference of the CPS at Žilina in August 1945. Viliam Široký became the chairman of the party, and Stefan Bastovansky became the general secretary. The CPS was formally an independent political party, but it worked in unity with the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, active in the Czech Lands, and was subordinate to its political line.
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