Search results - CEJSH

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From the Discipline of the Whole to the Art of Concentration: Revisions of the Eastern and Central European Avant-Gardes: Review

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Boruszkowska I.

Colloquia Humanistica

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2016

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issue 5

EN

From the Discipline of the Whole to the Art of Concentration: Revisions of the Eastern and Central European Avant-Gardes: ReviewA review of two recent volumes concerning the idea of Central-European avant-garde: Awangarda Środkowej i Wschodniej Europy – Innowacja czy naśladownictwo? Interpretacje, ed. Michalina Kmiecik, Małgorzata Szumna, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Kraków 2015, 355 pp.; Głuchy brudnopis: Antologia manifestów awangardy Europy Środkowej, ed. Jakub Kornhauser, Kinga Siewior, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Kraków 2015, 578 pp. Od dyscypliny całości do sztuki koncentracji: rewizje wchodnio- i środkowoeuropejskiej awangardy; recenzjaRecenzja dwóch niedawno opublikowanych tomów poświęconych środkowoeuropejskiej awangardzie: Awangarda Środkowej i Wschodniej Europy – Innowacja czy naśladownictwo? Interpretacje, red. Michalina Kmiecik, Małgorzata Szumna, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Kraków 2015, 355 s., oraz Głuchy brudnopis: Antologia manifestów awangardy Europy Środkowej, red. Jakub Kornhauser, Kinga Siewior, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Kraków 2015, 578 s.

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Introduction

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Czamańska I., Diaconescu M.

Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

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2015

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vol. 22

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issue 1

5-5

PL

The importance of the Vlachs in European culture remained unnoticed for many years. They were considered a small group of Romanised shepherds, and not a very highly developed culture, with not a great importance for the development of civilization. The specificity of the culture of the Vlachs, primarily due to its folkloristic character, wasn’t understood or appreciated. It was not realized that the management of the herds in the mountains required big skills and knowledge, and that Vlachs played an important role in the dissemination of the shepherd culture. Only recently the role of the Vlach law in shaping the social and military system of the late medieval and the early modern societies is being recognized. The role of the Vlach agent, as an important element in the formation of nationality, particularly in the Balkans, is also beginning to be perceived. Only recently it started being noticed that the Vlachs, are not just this group which has preserved its Romance language, but also numerous groups which assimilated long ago, preserving a greater or lesser extent, their traditional culture. The characteristic treatment of the Vlach population, except this part which evolved into the Romanian nation, consisted in its ease of coexistence with other ethnic groups and cultures. The Vlachs were mostly a non-state nation, and it contributed largely to the fact that their history and cultural characteristics are, after all, fairly poorly understood. Therefore, there is a great need for a new extensive research undertaken in international cooperation and for the publication of the results of these studies. For this purpose, the international research project Vlachs in European and Polish cultural area. Migration - settlement - cultural heritage has been launched. However, before the project was qualified to be financed, two institutes: the Institute of History of the Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan and The Faculty of History at the University of Bucharest have taken a joint initiative of annual meetings of researchers on the Vlachs and the publishing series that would became space both for the publication of materials, as well as a discussion forum. The result of this initiative was a conference organized jointly in October last year in Bucharest. The next step is the joint publication of the Ius Valachicum, whose first volume we put into the hands of readers.

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V siločarách nové střední Evropy. Koncepce a tvorba zahraniční politiky Slovenské republiky v prvním desetiletí její existence

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Kunštát M.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2010

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vol. 2

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issue 2

82 – 116

EN

The study deals with the historical determinants, concepts and practical implementation of the foreign policy of the Slovak Republic in the first decade of its existence (from its establishment in 1993 to Slovakia’s accession to the NATO and EU in 2004). Author examines the external and internal factors shaping the Slovak foreign policy, i.e. in particular the dynamics, which on the one hand resulted from the attractiveness of NATO and the EU (and of the Western orientation in general) but on the other hand was based on the anti-liberal and nationalist political traditions and tendencies that were very significant in Slovakia in the respective period.

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Švejk-hatások a posztmodern magyar irodalomban

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Németh Z.

Acta Philologica

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2016

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issue 49

295-302

EN

The study deals with the relationship between Jaroslav Hašek’s Švejk and postmodern Hungarian literature. The first part of the study examines the characteristics of the postmodern Hungarian literature (intertextuality, metafiction, pseudonymous and mask literature, irony, parody, pastiche) and covers its most significant achievements (Peter Esterhazy, Peter Nadas, Dezső Tandori, Lajos Parti Nagy, Andras Ferenc Kovacs). The second part of the study deals with the interpretation and the rewriting of the figure of Švejk and Hašek’s novel in postmodern Hungarian literature and it analyzes the novels and poems of Peter Nadas, Peter Esterhazy, Gyorgy Spiro, Dezső Tandori, Otto Orban and Andras Ferenc Kovacs. The study is focused mainly on the analysis of the works of bohemist writer Istvan Voros as well as the postmodern translation techniques and Švejk-reworking in the texts of Lajos Parti Nagy.

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Czworokąt Wyszehradzki – V4 jako formuła geopolityczna współpracy w Europie Środkowej

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Puzyniak A.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2017

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issue 11

33-44

EN

Established in February 1991 the Triangle/Visegrad Group is an example of a regional target cooperation bound between Middle European countries: The Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary. The main goal for which the Group was contracted was the countries’ common working toward obtaining NATO and EU membership, as well as building wholly independent and democratic countries. The Group constitutes a formula of political, economic and energy cooperation. The main goal of this article is to point out the successes of the Visegrad Group, to which we can include among others, maintaining a cooperation in spite of joining NATO and the European Union, as well as the regulated form of working together as a Group. The challenges the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary must face if they want to maintain their cooperation within the Visegrad Group will be represented in this text. Among these certainly would be included the lack of consistency in the politics of Bratislava, Budapest, Prague, and Warsaw in regards to the Group, as well as a lack of conformity in their actions towards Russia.

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AN ANECDOTAL HISTORY: HRABAL AND CENTRAL EUROPE

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Daniel W. P.

Rocznik Przemyski

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2016

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vol. 52

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issue 2(20): Literatura i Język

113-120

EN

Bohumil Hrabal has inspired novelists, critics, bar owners, and bookstore owners to name and dedicate their works to him across the Central European space. This article looks at how Hrabal is understood in the region and attempts to explain the admiration for this peculiar author through his use of the anecdotal form. Instead of regarding Central Europe as the space of tragedy, Hrabal imagines it as the space of anecdotes, reclaiming agency for those who have suffered under the weight of History.

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Proces Boloński a rozwój szkolnictwa wyższego w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej

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Klimczuk B.

Zamojskie Studia i Materiały – Seria Pedagogika

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2011

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vol. 13

55-62

EN

The article presents the historical conditions, development and perspectives of the Bologna Process. The reader’s attention is drawn to the effects of the implementation of the Bologna guidelines for the higher education system in Central Europe. The objectives of the Process until the year 2020 are discussed. The advantages and costs are defined.

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Diversity in the standard of living among populations in European post-comunist countries

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Michalski T.

Environmental & Socio-economic Studies

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2015

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vol. 3

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issue 4

11-19

EN

The aim of this study was to present the general situation of populations of European post-communist countries 25 years after the collapse of communism in Europe. The study consists of two parts. The first one briefly discusses the processes that led to a significant diversification in the social, economic and political situations of the populations of the studied countries. In the second part the diversity of this situation is shown (using: the Legatum Prosperity Index, the Social Progress Index, and the Human Development Index). It was found that the best situations exist in the countries which quickly and effectively implemented reforms, and whether they were independent states, or parts of larger states, under communism is of secondary importance. It is symptomatic that these are countries situated in the north-western part of the area under consideration, which corresponds to the current situation in the EU-15, where the countries located in the south (the so-called PIGS) have poor economic and partly social situations than those in the north. Furthermore, it was found that the situation with the population of Russia is worse than in many countries which were previously under the occupation of the USSR or were dependent on the authorities in Moscow.

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The Last Jagiellonian: John Paul II and the Jagiellonian Idea

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Kowal P.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

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issue 51

117-140

EN

The Jagiellonian idea was a constant inspiration in the political and social action of John Paul II in relation to Poland and Central Europe throughout the entire period of his pontificate. It is difficult to find another political idea – apart from his consistently anti-totalitarian and anti-communist stance – which would determine his teaching to a greater extent. The purpose of this article is to present the author’s interpretation as to which experiences and ideas shaped this approach of the Polish pope. Reference will be made to the pope’s statements, his political thought and practical actions as the head of the Holy See.

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Trudne początki współpracy wyszehradzkiej w dobie transformacji systemowej

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Błażejewska P.

Nowa Polityka Wschodnia

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2016

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vol. 1(10)

82-94

EN

Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary established a closer relationship in the late eighties and early nineties of the twentieth century as a result of the fight against the communist system. In these difficult times interconnection helped to develop common goals to achieve. A similar level of development and the geopolitical situation in the three countries activated the society to act. Accession to the European Communities and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization was the main priority in those years. However, accession criteria were quite a challenge and only joint actions in this direction enable the challenges posed by the Member States of these organizations. This article presents the beginnings of cooperation Polish, Czechoslovakia and Hungary formed mainly within the Visegrad Triangle, included the difficulties that were to be overcome. It shows all steps in the development of regional relations and the way to democracy and a market economy. The complexity and spontaneity of this process is an important example of informal, and effective cooperation between countries, which has been going for over two decades.

RU

Польша, Чехословакия и Венгрия наладили близкие отношения в конце 80- тых и в начале 90-тых годов как результат борьбы с коммунистической системой. В эти тяжелые времена, взаимные политические и экономические связи между странами, способствовали выработке общих приоритетов для достижения совместных целей. Сходний уровень экономического развития и геополитическое положение трех стран способствовал активизации деятельности общества. Вступление в ЕС и Североатлантический альянс составляло в этот период главный приоритет. Однако критерии членства оказались трудной задачей и только совместная кооперация и сотрудничество Польши, Чехословакии и Венгрии в этом направлении дало возможность выполнить условия поставленные государствами-членами ЕС. В этой статьи представлено начальный эиап сотрудничества Польши, Чехословакии и Венгрии, в рамках Вышеградского треугольника, учитывая все проблемы с которыми боролись вышеупомянутые страны. В тексте также описаны основные этапы развития региональных отношений, а также путь к демократии и рыночной экономике. Сложность и спонтанность этого процесса является примером неформального, но эффективного сотрудничества между государствами, которое продолжается уже более 20 лет.

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Jak nie należy czytać Milana Kundery? (Z Europą Środkową w tle)

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Hellich A.

Przegląd Humanistyczny

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2015

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vol. 59(2 (449))

75-84

PL

The purpose of this study is to consider whether it is appropriate to talk about the writing style of the Central Europe as a separate artistic construction. After the fall of the Iron Curtain, when the former Soviet states became part of the western community, Central European society ceased to exist so that the whole project has become an anachronism. One can see it on the example of Kundera’s post-Cold War novels which definitely do not represent the Central European style. It does not mean, however, that one is unable to find a link between Kundera’s The Joke and Immortality. Features such as anti-essentialism, aphoristic and intellectual style, narrative games, ambiguity and irony are appropriate not only for Kundera, but also for other authors of modern novel – with or without Central European citizenship – like Cervantes, Sterne, Broch, Gombrowicz, K. Brandys, Pamuk, etc.

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Europa Środkowa w geopolityce zjednoczonych Niemiec. Wybrane aspekty

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Kozerski M.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2017

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issue 11

109-122

EN

The unification resulted in a fundamental change in the geopolitical position of Germany. The Federal Republic has become the largest country in the EU in terms of population (82,8 million in 2017) and due to its total land area (over 357 thousand km²) it ranks number 14 in the list of countries by area. After the unification, the number of countries neighbouring Germany has increased (9), which makes Germany more focused on the development of bilateral relations in its immediate neighbourhood. Germany has become the main beneficiary of the conflict settlement between the East and West, since it is not exposed to the nuclear attack by the hostile power and its allies (the USSR, the Eastern block) yet. To its own benefit, the FRG has lost the status of a border state, as its border does not separate NATO from the Warsaw Pact. It does not separate the EEC from the COMECON either. Germany ceased to be a „training ground” of the cold war. After the Eastern enlargement in 2004 the country ceased to be the border state of the European Union. Furthermore, Germany was able to get unified and to become a sovereign state equal to other European countries in terms of its status. The FRG is not perceived as a revisionist state that denies post-war borders. Post-unification Germany is considered to be a predictable and credible state. Moreover, the country is an active member of alliances and international organizations. After the reunification, the Federal Republic had to redefine its position and role internationally. It has defined itself as a state in the centre of the continent and a bridge between the European East and West. Since 1990 Central Europe, most often identified with the post-communist states situated between Germany and Russia, has become an important point of reference for Germany and direction of pursuing its influence. After the unification Germany declared this region to be the zone of its influence and vital interests. The main goal of Bonn was to make the region stable by supporting the system transformation process and admitting the Visegrad Group member states to NATO and the European Union in the long term. There was a fear that if Germany’s eastern neighbours were not given a real prospect of membership in the Western integration structures they could become a seedbed of unrest and destabilisation. It was assumed that such threats could make an impact on Germany and adversely affect its internal situation. The main motive of the FRG in assuming the role of an advocate of the Central-European states on their way to accession to western alliances was to ensure stabilisation close to its (German) borders. By taking system transformation and accession to the EU and NATO under its patronage, Germany acquired a dominant position in the central part of Europe and thus made countries of the region dependent on it (mostly economically). A number of facts, including immigration crisis and its consequences, opposition of the Visegrad Group countries to the enforced relocation of refugees, the rise of Eurosceptic and anti-German sentiment in these countries, have resulted in a considerable tension in relations between Germany and the Visegrad Group states. Such state of affairs makes the Federal Republic of Germany gradually „turn its back” on the „renegade” Central Europe. A country of the European centre, whose interests were to be east-oriented after the unification, has been heading westward recently. Germany’s approval of the „multi-speed” concept in the EU as well as its endorsement for closer integration based on the euro zone seem to prove that statement.

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Partnership for Stability: How to Connect the Strategic Futures of Central Europe and the EaP

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Ondrejcsák R.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2014

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issue 4

121-140

EN

There are currently three strategically different zones in Central and Eastern Europe. The first comprises Central European NATO member countries, the second is made up of Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia (between NATO and Russia), and third is Russia itself. The crucial changes after the Russian invasion of Ukraine are the termination of connections between the first and third groups, as well as between the second and third groups, and deepening connections between the first and second groups. As Central Europe belongs to the same security complex as Ukraine, and because Central European security cannot be divided from Ukrainian security, it is desirable to link Ukraine and Central Europe to the same strategic structures. We need to provide an additional perspective and bring the Eastern European partners strategically closer to Central European and European security. We need a regional version of Partnership for Peace, a Partnership for Stability (PfS). This paper analyses the determining factors, challenges and opportunities of this concept.

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"Arabska Wiosna" 2011 a europejska "Jesień Ludów" 1989 - próba spojrzenia porównawczego

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Żyromski M.

Forum Politologiczne

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2012

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vol. 13 - "Stare" i "nowe" mocarstwa w Afryce - stygmaty kulturowe, religijne, polityczne, ekonomiczne i społeczne

375-389

EN

It passed already one year since the outbreak of the „Arab Spring" of 2011 but the situation is far from clear (especially in Syria) and a lot of old problems remained. Undoubtedly, it would be very instructive to present an attempt of comparison between this revolt in Northern Africa (and in such the Arab countries as Syria and Jemen) and the demolition of communist (or perhaps rather socialist) system in Central Europe in autumn of 1989. The theoretical base for such the comparison can be provided by the so-called „neofunctional elitist paradigm", elaborated by J. Higley (with his collaborators). The main notion of this theory is the question of elite settlement - between the main elite of the existing government and of the opposition. At the same time there is the main difference between the situation in Central Europe and Northern Africa. Whether in some states of Central Europe (especially in Poland, Hungary and Czech Republic) such the opposition existed - in Northern Africa does not. And so, the perspectives for political and social transformation toward the democracy in Northern Africa is not so good as it seems.

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Potencjał militarny Europy Środkowej – znaczenie w systemie NATO, relacje w obrębie Unii Europejskiej, w kręgu własnym i globalnym

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Turczyński P.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2017

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issue 11

57-71

EN

Central European countries are not military powers, in this group only Poland has significant military potential. However, in the face of clearly indicated threats (military, economic, cultural), legitimate is expectation for coperation between countries of Central Europe. This cooperation not only strengthens the protection of their interests – but may also strengthen the structures of NATO and EU, to which these countries belong. For security of Central European countries very important is also support from the USA.

16

Nativism versus nationalism and populism – bridging the gap

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Riedel R.

Central European Papers

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2018

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vol. 6

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issue 2

18-28

EN

This paper identifies the major similarities and differences that nativism shares with nationalism (predominantly its economic dimension) and populism. By doing it, this study contributes to overcoming of one of the major obstacles of this realm of scholarly literature which very often confuses and conflates the three concepts. The author claims that, even though they are more similar then different, nativism has its distinctive features that stem from its origins, evolution and contemporary ways of manifestation. Due to its illiberal, exclusivist and prejudice-driven nature, nativism constitutes a dangerous ideology, which intertwines with nationalism and populism in a potentially explosive mixture. The theoretical deliberations are illustrated with the exemplifications of nativist politics in Central Europe.

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Inicjatywa Trójmorza w polskiej polityce zagranicznej

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Ukielski P.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2018

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vol. 2

45-58

EN

The purpose of this article is to analyse activities of the new regional grouping in the Central Europe – the Three Seas Initiative. The research covered the declared and factual goals, with particular emphasis on the question to what extent the project is infrastructural and economic, and how much the political and geostrategic. It covers also description of both summits held before 2018 in Dubrovnik and Warsaw, which is followed by analysis of criticism of the idea. Main fields of cooperation are presented with its perspectives, possibilities and constraints. The final part of the article presents factors that in the future will determine the dynamic development of the Initiative or its rapid stagnation and disappearance.

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Europa Środkowa czy Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia? Europejskie kręgi cywilizacyjne

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Winnicki Z. J.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2017

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issue 11

11-20

EN

The area of the Central Europe that includes so called new countries of the European Union is incorrectly classified as Eastern Europe. In the categories of geopolitics and civilization paradigm the Eastern Europe includes Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova. There are three civilization circles in the Central and Easter Europe. The first one includes countries of the Catholic and Protestant culture, the second one countries of the Orthodox culture of the metropolis of Constantinople, while the third one countries of the Muscovite-Orthodox culture. Civilization affiliation promotes the development of contacts and geopolitical proximity

19

Partykularne i uniwersalne w literaturach narodowych

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Masłowski M.

Postscriptum Polonistyczne

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2016

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issue 2(18)

125-134

EN

Opposition between the notion of universalism, created in the age of Enlightenment and the Romantic tradition, which dominates in Central Europe is discussed in the article. Universalism is understood as the process of emancipation of man, but at the same time, in countries ‘between Russia and Germany’ it is also understood as the rule of adherence. In the Romantic tradition there is the symbolic extrapolation of historic experiences and the use of metaphors that have ethical universalism, both of which are described by the author in this article. The understanding of culture as a spiritual sphere w hich unites the national spirit was destroyed in the 20th century due to totalitarianism, but this grotesque tragedy from our absurd history has created ‘anti-modern modernism'.

20

Security challenges to Central European bordering territories: view from the Transcarpatian region of Ukraine

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Lendel M.

Securitologia

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2015

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issue 1(21)

61-73

EN

The factor of integral Central European space determines the formation of common challenges to the region's security. One part of them is not visualized or not perceived in the capital cities. These threats may be most vividly traced in the Transcarpathian region of Ukraine, taking into consideration the fact that it borders with the abovementioned countries. These are ethnopolitical threats, caused by the multiethnic population of the region, energy dependence, threats of social economic peripherization of Central European bordering territories, informational influence on the population, different attitudes to Ukraine-Russia conflict.

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