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EN
Migration is a very important socio-economic issue in the contemporary world. One of the interesting research problems worth considering concerns the scale and consequences of migration from the countries which joined the European Union in 2004 and in the later years. As a result of integration with European communities, citizens of the new member states acquired citizenship of the European Union. The right of free movement caused a significant increase in the number of temporary migrants. According to statistical data, the number of emigrants from the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEE) to the more prosperous European countries increased from 1.7 million in 2004 to 5.6 million in 2012. In the context of the scale of economic migration from the CEE, important questions should be asked about the economic consequences of the mobility. The main objective of this article is a diagnosis and evaluation of the size of migration and remittances in the CEE countries. An analysis of the statistical data from Eurostat concerning the transfer of financial means due to working abroad made it possible to assess the economic consequences of labour migrations of the CEE-10 inhabitants. It turned out that, as regards the amount of those transfers, the biggest beneficiaries are Poland, Romania and Hungary. Throughout the period under analysis (2004–2013) Poland saw a joint inflow of EUR 44.8 bn, Romania – EUR 31.9 bn, and Hungary – EUR 15 bn due to their citizens working abroad.
EN
The relationship between political strategy of the state (first of all on the basis of studying the experience of democratic transformations) and the foreign policy vector of national development on the example of Ukraine and countries of Central and Eastern Europe is examined. The author seeks to find answers to the question: «What is the ideological guidance for national development of modern Ukraine?»; «Experience of our closest neighbors - Central and Eastern Europe - may be useful in identifying these ideological landmarks for Ukraine?»; «Should such ideological orientations be based on clearly defined ideological and political (doctrinal) bases or be as politically neutral?». The proposed research of the structure of European integration strategy because of the burning social and political realities of Ukraine distinguish the most problematic areas of political, social, economic and cultural space of national society. Based on the experience of the process of democratic transformation and holding of European integration in Poland, Hungary, Romania and other CEE countries are attempting to define «strong» and «weak» sides of these processes for the further consideration of their formulation of national politics and the foreign policy strategy of systemic transformation. The author’s view on the problems and prospects of development of civil society in Ukraine in view of events ( in fact - for the most significant recent history of national tests) is presented by late 2013 - early 2014.
EN
Since Poland joined the EU in 2004, intercultural education has become one of the fundamental goals of the Polish educational system. Many Polish educators believed that it was only through intercultural education that they would be able to teach students necessary skills which would support them in the transition to becoming truly multicultural and cosmopolitan. In other words, intercultural education was perceived as a must for post-socialist CEE countries in order to catch up with Western Europe. Our argument is that intercultural education has been created, developed and implemented in the specific context of Western, multicultural societies. However, our sstandpoint is far from negating its importance and role in education in the 21st century. On the basis of a critical reflection on the Eurocentric approach within educational studies, the problem is outlined of teaching intercultural education “by dry run” in the context of Polish schools – i.e. teaching about global dependencies without a direct link with or presence of cultural “Others”, who are usually known only through the media and literary canon. It is indicated that this form of education often fails to serve its goal as it is frequently implemented in a one-sided way: by Polish educators, in monocultural schools, as narrations about Others rather than their presentations through the lens of their experiences, stories or methodologies and so considering the voices from outside thecontext of Central and Eastern European countries.
PL
Problemem wielu krajów o gospodarce rynkowej jest zapewnienie odpowiedniej struktury popytu globalnego oraz właściwe dynamizowanie poszczególnych jej składowych w celu osiągania wyższego tempa wzrostu gospodarczego. Dotyczy to również krajów Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej, które po rozpoczęciu transformacji ustrojowo-gospodarczej nie osiągały homogenicznego i wysokiego wzrostu realnego PKB. Wśród przyczyn można wymienić: posiadanie zróżnicownych zasobów własnych, wdrażanie odmiennych reform oraz prowadzenie specyficznej polityki makroekonomicznej. Celem artykułu jest pokazanie związków między strukturą popytu globalnego a wzrostem gospodarczym w krajach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej w latach 1995-2013. Artykuł składa się z części teoretycznej i empirycznej. Na początku zaprezentowano krytyczny przegląd literatury dotyczący podejmowanej problematyki. W dalszej kolejności przedstawiono aspekty metodyczne. Następnie omówiono tempo wzrostu gospodarczego w krajach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej w latach 1995-2013. W części empirycznej przeanalizowano związki między strukturą popytu globalnego a wzrostem gospodarczym w krajach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. W podsumowaniu przedstawiono konkluzje z weryfikacji postawionej hipotezy badawczej oraz sformułowano końcowe wnioski z analizy przeprowadzonej w artykule.
EN
The aim of the paper is to show the contribution of the structure of global demand on the economic growth in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The author focuses on the changes of the structure of global demand in the analysed countries in 1995-2013. The paper consists of a theoretical and an empirical part. The former presents a critical review of the relevant literature. Next, the methodological aspects are discussed. The following section analyses the associations between the structure of the global demand and the economic growth of the Central and Eastern European countries during the transformation process. The final part includes the author's conclusions concerning the verification of the research hypothesis and the analysis of the results from the conducted studies.
EN
In the period from 2013 to 2017, the Czech Parliament passed five bills against corruption. A civil initiative called Reconstruction of the State was heavily involved in the process. Before the 2013 elections, the initiative prompted the candidates running for an MP mandate to publicly commit to supporting selected legislation proposals. The initiative used a variety of advocacy and campaign tactics to support passing the bills after the elections. This paper uses process tracing to answer the following research questions: (1) What path led to this success?, (2) Is there sufficient evidence about the actual role of the initiative in seeing the proposals passed by the Parliament? and (3) What has determined the initiative’s advocacy decisions? The first research question is treated descriptively, focusing on the key milestones in this historically unique advocacy campaign. To answer the second question, we conducted a non-formal counterfactual assessment of whether the absence of the initiative would have resulted in passing fewer proposals. This is important for evaluating civil society’s potential to effectively influence the political process. Finally, in answering the third question, we show that advocacy tactics have markedly changed throughout the Reconstruction of the State campaign. Building on this observation, we argue that tactics are not only policy- or campaign-specific but also change within a single case.
EN
The intention of this paper is to explore the internationalization efforts of German pork producers towards Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) with a special focus on recent dynamics, market development strategies and policy conditions. The added-value potentials offered by CEE countries have become increasingly lucrative for the German pork industry, particularly as the domestic market currently shows a certain degree of saturation in terms of consumption. The results of this study which is mainly based on qualitative interviews with selected pork producers from North-West Germany reveal that transnational pork production networks between Germany and CEE are shaped by a high degree of fragility and discontinuity. This is reflected not only by the fluctuating development of foreign trade in piglets, live hogs and pork products, but also by the uncertainty and hesitancy of the interviewed pork producers with regard to business operations in CEE markets. It will be shown that the policy conditions on the national level still have a clear impact on internationalization processes in the pork industry. The paper further illustrates that the configuration of transnational pork production networks can be explained, in part, by insights from the global production networks (GPN) and the agri-food geographies literature.
PL
Zainicjowany ponad ćwierć wieku temu proces transformacji ustrojowej krajów byłego bloku wschodniego miał charakter bezprecedensowy. Wyjaśnienie jego wymiaru ekonomicznego – możliwych i ostatecznie obieranych dróg przejścia od gospodarki nakazowo-rozdzielczej do gospodarki rynkowej – już przez samą tę bezprecedensowość, ale i niezwykłą złożoność stanowiło i wciąż stanowi wyzwanie dla nauk ekonomicznych. Celem artykułu jest ocena, w jakiej mierze współczesna ekonomia poradziła sobie z tym wyzwaniem i próba uzasadnienia tezy, iż przy objaśnianiu zróżnicowanych trajektorii rozwojowych krajów transformacji i tłumaczeniu przyczyn osiąganych na tym polu sukcesów (lub ich braku) zdecydowanie bardziej adekwatne okazały się koncepcje stworzone przez reprezentantów szkół leżących na obrzeżach lub poza głównym nurtem badań ekonomicznych.
EN
The process of systemic transformation in the countries of the former Eastern Bloc, spearheaded about a quarter of a century ago, was unprecedented in the economic history of the world. Its economic dimension – the available, and ultimately chosen, paths of transition from socialism to market economy – has challenged economic sciences. The challenge has been all the greater not only because of the novelty of the phenomenon, but also because of its unusual complexity. The paper aims to assess to what extent contemporary economics has succeeded in responding to this challenge and to prove that the concepts proposed by the representatives of schools from the margin of, or beyond, the mainstream economics turn out to be significantly more appropriate for explaining the diversity of transformation paths and elucidating the reasons behind the achievements (or lack thereof) of some countries.
EN
The bank bailouts following the global financial crisis of 2008 have been subject to prior approval of the European Commission (EC), the competition authority of the European Union. The EC was reluctant to reject rescue efforts directed at failing banks and so it consistently approved all such requests submitted by Member States. Out of the top twenty European banks, the EC authorized State aid to at least twelve entities. In this context, the paper outlines the gradually changing interpretation of EU State aid rules, the “temporary and extraordinary rules” introduced starting from late 2008, and the extension of the “no-State aid” category. The above shifts show that the EC itself deflected from relevant EU laws in order to systemically rescue important banks in Europe and restore their financial stability. The paper argues that bank bailouts and bank rescue packages by the State have led to different effects on market structures and consumer welfare in the Eurozone and non-Eurozone areas, mostly the Eastern segments of the European Union. As such, it is argued that they are inconsistent with the European common market. Although the EC tried to minimize the distortion of competition created as a result of the aforementioned case law primarily through the application of the principle of exceptionality and different compensation measures, these efforts have been at least partially unsuccessful. Massive State aid packages, the preferential treatment of the largest, or systemically important, banks through EU State aid mechanisms – almost none of which are Central and Eastern European (CEE) – may have led to the distortion of competition on the common market. That is so mainly because of the prioritization of the stability of the financial sector and the Euro. The paper argues that State aid for failing banks may have had important positive effects in the short run, such as the promotion of the stability of the banking system and the Euro. In the long-run however, it has contributed to the unprecedented sovereign indebtedness in Europe, and contributed to an increased economic and political instability of the EU, particularly in its most vulnerable CEE segment.
FR
Les sauvetages bancaires consécutifs à la crise financière mondiale de 2008 ont été soumis à l'approbation préalable de la Commission européenne (CE), l'autorité de la concurrence de l'Union européenne. Les CE étaient réticentes à rejeter les efforts de sauvetage dirigés contre les banques défaillantes et ont donc approuvé de manière cohérente toutes les demandes présentées par les États membres. Sur les vingt premières banques européennes, la CE a autorisé des aides d'État au moins douze entités. Dans ce contexte le document souligne l'évolution progressive de l'interprétation des règles de l'UE en matière d'aides d'État, les « règles temporaires et extraordinaires » introduites à partir de la fin de 2008 et l'extension de la catégorie « sans aides d’État ». Les changements susmentionnés montrent que la CE elle-même a dévié des lois pertinentes de l'UE afin de sauver systématiquement d'importantes banques en Europe et de rétablir leur stabilité financière. L'article soutient que les plans de sauvetage bancaire et les plans de sauvetage bancaire de l'État ont eu des effets différents sur les structures du marché et sur le bien-être des consommateurs dans les zones de la zone euro et hors zone euro, principalement dans les segments orientaux de l'Union européenne. En tant que tel, il est soutenu qu'ils sont incompatibles avec le marché commun européen. Bien que les CE aient essayé de minimiser les distorsions de concurrence créées par la jurisprudence susmentionnée, principalement par l'application du principe d'exception et des mesures de compensation différentes, ces efforts ont été au moins partiellement infructueux. Les paquets massifs d'aides d'État, le traitement préférentiel des banques les plus importantes ou systématiquement importantes par le biais des mécanismes d'aide de l'UE - presque aucun d'Europe centrale et orientale (CEE) - ont entraîné une distorsion de concurrence sur le marché commun. Cela est dû principalement à la priorité accordée à la stabilité du secteur financier et de l'euro. Le document fait valoir que les aides d'État pour les banques en faillite peuvent avoir eu des effets positifs importants à court terme, comme la promotion de la stabilité du système bancaire et de l'euro. Toutefois, à long terme, elle a contribué à l'endettement souverain sans précédent en Europe et a contribué à accroître l'instabilité économique et politique de l'UE, en particulier dans son segment d'Europe centrale et orientale le plus vulnérable.
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