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EN
The aim of the article is to investigate sports exchanges within the Eastern Bloc from the perspective of their diplomatic significance. Such exchanges were intended to strengthen the alliance by generating friendship between the societies of its member states. This objective was not fulfilled, and positive sports diplomacy between the communist states failed. The article proves the hypothesis that the use of sport to strengthen the Eastern Bloc should not be associated exclusively with the interests of the Soviet Union, but with those of the communist governments of the allied countries in general. The investigation also sought the reasons for the failure of the whole initiative.
EN
The aim of the paper is to try to determine the essence of the new face of armed conflict. Liberia is the main point of reference in the analysis for two reasons. Firstly, Liberia is the oldest independent republic on the African continent and its establishing is linked to paradoxical events begun in 1821, when black people settling in the vicinity of Monrovia, former slaves liberated from South American cotton plantations, reconstructed a slave-like type of society, taking local, poorly organised tribes as their subjects. Secondly, Liberia proves that the intensity of changes in armed conflict does not have to be strictly dependent on the size of the land: a country of small geographical size can equal or even exceed countries with several times larger surface in terms of features of “new wars”. In 1989 in Liberia, the nine-year presidency of Samuel Doe, characterised by exceptional ineptitude and bloody terror, led to the outbreak of clashes between government forces and the opposition from National Patriotic Front of Liberia, led by Charles Taylor. Thus, the first civil war in Liberia was begun, that lasted until 1997 and became an arena of mass violations of human rights, leaving behind 150,000 dead victims and about 850,000 refugees to neighbouring countries.
EN
Except for Vladimír Goněc’s studies on Hubert Ripka’s activities in the aftermath of the WWII or Jan Wszelaki’s group proposal for an Eastern European Schuman Plan, neither Czech nor Slovak historiography paid significant attention to the concepts of Central and Eastern European integration developed by the exile circles in the Western countries after 1945. A striking point here is that these plans, in most cases, did not originate from the respective national exile groups, but were rather a result of interplay between these. Furthermore, the mutual interchange had to be often managed from without by the “unbiased” mediators. These used to be the sympathetic Western politicians, political entrepreneurs or donors. At the end of 1940s and in early 1950s, the Central and Eastern European Commission of the European Movement was one of the most important platforms for such an interaction. While focusing on the Commission’s activities, this article outlines its institutional linkages and composition as well as draws attention to the plan of Central and Eastern European integration worked out within this body at the turn of 1950s.
PL
The article undertakes the analysis of social views on an atomic bomb in Stacja Abbesses by Stefania Zahorska. The author refers to the political context and proves that the forgotten short story is a literary voice of reason in the post-war discussion held in exile on the possibility of the outbreak of a new world conflict. However, this is also a fascinating record of the post-war state of the social consciousness of the nuclear threat, its course, effects etc., which can be regarded as the second thesis of the article.
5
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„Železná opona“ jako české místo paměti

51%
EN
The article analyses the “Iron Curtain” as a Czech site of memory. The official communist narrative denied the Western term “Iron Curtain” and asserted the legalistic argumentation of “state borders protection” supported by nationalistic and ideological arguments. After the fall of the regime in 1989 and the opening of the state borders, the Western “Iron Curtain” paradigm was adopted by the democratizing Czech society whereas the communist narrative became marginalised. It did not disappear, though, and both interpretations, the “Iron Curtain” as a central part of the new mainstream discourse and the “state border protection” as a peripheral part of post-communist memory, have remained alive side by side.
EN
The European Recovery Program was one of the most creative and inspired acts in modern American diplomacy. The article discusses the sequence of events prior to an-nouncement of the Plan at Harvard University within the aim of providing arguments on the significance of economic and political factors of the Marshall Plan. The starting point was set in early 1947 when G. C. Marshall took the office of the Secretary of State. Then the Moscow conference and subsequent radio speech by Marshall is described. The text also comments on D. Acheson’s speech in Delta Council, Cleveland and deals with the Policy Planning Staff established by Marshall soon after his arrival from Moscow con-ference. The central part of the article is devoted to the report of the Policy Planning Staff (May 1947) and the alarmist memorandum prepared by William Clayton. In the final paragraph, the Marshall Plan speech of June, 5th is analysed in respect of its importance in both economic and political circumstances.
EN
The Sino-Indonesian relationship is an important research topic in Cold War studies. Since the 1960s, a number of scholarly works have been published on the subject. The declassification of diplomatic documents in various countries, and particularly the opening of the Chinese Foreign Ministry Archives following the end of the Cold War, has led to new developments in the studies on Sino-Indonesian relations. Much of this research, however, has been focused on the period from 1949 to 1965, because soon after the Indonesian military coup of September 1965, Sino-Indonesian diplomatic relations was suspended and was not restored until 1990. This article is a historiographical overview of the more controversial topics in Sino-Indonesian relations between 1949 through 1965 in scholarly publications that have came out over the past half decade. These topics include, among others, the establishment and evolution of Sino-Indonesian diplomatic relations; the standpoint of the Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia –PKI) toward the Sino-Soviet split; China’s reactions to the anti-Chinese movements that occurred in Indonesia between 1959 through 1961; and the cultural relations between Indonesia and China. The discussion here is limited to publications in the English and Chinese languages; this paper does not make any attempt to include relevant scholarly works that may have been published in Bahasa Indonesia or other languages.
EN
World War II marked the beginning of the forty-five years long period of tense peace, described as the Cold War. Two superpowers that emerged from World War II started to compete for hegemony over the world, representing two diametrically different political and economic systems. In any other historical period, such situation would lead to an inevitable great war, but after 1945 the competition was threatened by the possibility of using nuclear weapon whose capability of destruction was so enormous that neither of parties ventured direct confrontation. World War II contributed to scientific advancement that played a crucial role in the military progress of these states. The development of technologies assisting nuclear weapon resulted in a revolutionary change in military capability provided by the parties of the conflict. Rocket projectiles were the symbol of the 20th century, due to the fact that they carried humans into space, but also because they carried deadly weapon capable of killing hundreds thousands people. This combination of nuclear weapon with medium-range and intercontinental missiles caused that the world had to face permanent threat.
EN
The aim of the paper is to try to determine the essence of the new face of armed conflict. Liberia is the main point of reference in the analysis for two reasons. Firstly, Liberia is the oldest independent republic on the African continent and its establishing is linked to paradoxical events begun in 1821, when black people settling in the vicinity of Monrovia, former slaves liberated from South American cotton plantations, reconstructed a slave-like type of society, taking local, poorly organised tribes as their subjects. Secondly, Liberia proves that the intensity of changes in armed conflict does not have to be strictly dependent on the size of the land: a country of small geographical size can equal or even exceed countries with several times larger surface in terms of features of “new wars”. In 1989 in Liberia, the nine-year presidency of Samuel Doe, characterised by exceptional ineptitude and bloody terror, led to the outbreak of clashes between government forces and the opposition from National Patriotic Front of Liberia, led by Charles Taylor. Thus, the first civil war in Liberia was begun, that lasted until 1997 and became an arena of mass violations of human rights, leaving behind 150,000 dead victims and about 850,000 refugees to neighbouring countries.
EN
The study aims to present the main theoretical foundation of a new type of Cold War historiography, so-called New Cold War History, the origin of which was significantly contributed to by the work of the Norwegian historian Odd A. Westad. The subject of interest is the analysis of the starting points of this type of research and its comparison with the traditional methods of the history of the Cold War. There is also an outline of its basic development trends and inspirations in the field of cultural and transnational history. In the conclusion, the most important objects of research are described, for which the use of theoretical knowledge of New Cold War History seems appropriate, and there is a basic typology of the primary feature of this new way of researching the Cold War, i.e., the contact of actors through the Iron Curtain.
EN
Sylvia Plath is a kind of poet whose personal experience enlarges to the larger historical one. We can find it in her invocation of historical tragedies such as the Holocaust and Hiroshima. Plath uses these tragedies to reveal her anxieties under the pressure of the Cold War. In this paper, I write about her reference to the Holocaust in light of the specter of nuclear war. Plath produced a variety of poems in the last quarter of 1962. In October especially, in the month of the Cuban Missile Crisis which occurred at the height of the Cold War, she created 25 poems, which were later called the “October Poems”. It seems that her dominated anxieties triggered her to write a host of poems. This time I focus on Plath’s mother-child related poems. Her anxieties about the effects of nuclear bombs were directly connected to her children.
PL
The article is an analysis of the attitude within the circles of the Italian Republic to Poland’s disarmament plans in 1958–69, that is the Rapacki Plan (1958) and the Gomułka Plan (1963). Drawing on Italian documents the author examines the attitude of the Italian government to these proposals. She presents the determinants and contexts of both proposals (the bipolar division of the world during the Cold War, Italy’s membership of NATO and subordination to Washington’s policy, the country’s economic and financial problems). The article also contains opinions on Moscow’s role in and attitude towards the Polish peace initiatives.
EN
The Soviet military mapping project was the most comprehensive cartographic endeavour of the twentieth century. The resulting maps have been commercially available to the West since at least 1993, when a Latvian business rfist oefred Soviet plans of Western cities for sale at the 16th International Cartographic Conference in Cologne, Germany. Covering the globe at a range of scales, Soviet military maps provide a fascinating - if disconcerting - view of familiar territory with a striking aesthetic. But they also provide a substantial untapped geospatial resource, often with an unparalleled level of topographic detail. This paper gives an overview of the Soviet global military mapping programme and its coverage of Poland, including the 1:25,000-scale city plan of Warsaw (printed in 1981). By illustrating the extensive topographic symbology employed at various scales of mapping, it suggests how these maps may oefr scope for regional studies and how their cartographic language can provide some solutions for addressing the ongoing challenges of mapping the globe.
EN
In the middle of the 1990s the concept of human security is introduced as a  reflection of general change of the stress from the military state‑centric issues (assumed by the realist and neo‑realist orthodoxism) towards those non‑military. This new narrative consists in the transformation of the individual into the reference object of security, due to the fact that, under the pressure of globalization, the state is moved away (at least partially) from the epicenter of policy making. So, the concept of security is extended from the security of the nations to the security of the individuals, from the nation to the international system, is extending by supplementing the military perspective with the political, economic and environmental ones and thus, the range of security can basically receive human dimension. By the mechanisms and the normative principles of such a  perspective it is possible to identify some important arguments that human security can be fundamental in the justification of the ethics of interventions and by by‑passing the state to offer the ultimate argument for just war theory (used to address the moral and legal aspects linked with the use of military force).
PL
Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim
Human Affairs
|
2009
|
vol. 19
|
issue 3
289-296
EN
This article deals with the "afterlife" of a methodological disagreement in the Vienna School of Art History between the positions of Alois Riegl and Julius von Schlosser in Mikhail Alpatov's and Ernst Gombrich's art history survey texts published during the Cold War on different sides of the Iron Curtain. Though these surveys are methodological antipodes, the difference itself, I argue, is possible only within the framework of the larger art historical discourse they share. In addition, I will draw on the radical ideological critique of Alpatov's survey inside the Soviet Union and the case of the Stalinist survey meant to replace it, in order to address the ideological commonality between Alpatov's and Gombrich's surveys.
16
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Pollution of the Thaya River as a cross-border problem

45%
EN
As a border river, the Thaya not only separates the Czech and Austrian territories, but also requires joint management. One long-term cross-border problem is pollution by wastewater from the Pernhofen factory, which has flowed from Austria to Czechoslovakia / Czech Republic. This paper traces the resolution of the problem in bilateral relations since the 1960s. The most serious incident occurred in the year 1984, as the pollution caused a massive die-off of the fish stock in Nové Mlýny reservoirs, and the problem required discussion on the political level. In general terms, this paper illustrates the possibilities of environmental diplomacy in the regional agenda during and after the Cold War.
EN
The article seeks to understand the relationship between government legitimacy and the citizens of a state. Specifically, it looks how the person’s ability to build a family and fulfill their purpose can be enabled or inhibited by their government’s actions. The article proposes building a framework based on the Personalism found in John Paul II’s work Love and Responsibility, as the basis for an approach that governments can look towards in the effort to take citizen-based actions internationally and domestically. This will ensure the State’s people are respected and their dignity upheld. Without considering the person in these processes, it is possible to overlook them in politics, and so put them at risk for abuse.
EN
In 2015, the book “Nejpokrokovější církevní pracovník”. Protestantské církve a Josef Lukl Hromádka v letech 1945–1969 (“The Most Progressive Church Worker”. The Protestant Churches and Josef Lukl Hromádka between 1945 and 1969) was published, written by church historians Peter Morée and Jiří Piškula. This study uses their reflections to consider the nature of historiography, as well as the Church and protestant society, to which renowned Czech theologian, J. L. Hromádka (1889–1969) – known for his linking of theological identity with the political regime – declared himself. Amongst other issues, discussion is made of to what extent the changes to the geopolitical map in the second half of the 20th century and beginning of the 21st century have affected the legitimacy of Hromádka’s programme of securing a place for Christianity in socialist society.
EN
During the 1970s and 1980s, the pastors of the Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren regularly received cars as gifts from their partners in the Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland. This was a form of aid that Protestants in Czechoslovakia received from their West German partners. However, the transfers had to be approved by representatives of the Secretariat for Church Affairs. Through analyzing the selection of the pastors who received the cars and the process of approving of the foreign donations, we can show how the disciplination by the state authorities was carried out. It can also shed a light on how the pastors themselves were disciplined by their ecclesiastical superiors. The research further shows that the car deliveries during the Cold War were made possible by the long-standing relationship between Protestants from Czech and German countries that goes back well into the 19th century.
EN
In accord with recent scholarly appeals, this article advocates a certain intellectual tolerance and modesty in regard to the juxtaposition of conflicting or even supposedly rival approaches to questions of epistemology and truth. By rejecting the idea of a fixed epistemological standpoint and by moving the reader along a multiplicity of frames and truth situations, the author argues that if the post-truth problematic can teach us anything new about truth, it is the necessity to (re-)acknowledge that there is no omniscient position for the scholar and that none of our scholarly approaches taken separately enable us to grasp the totality. Hence, truth is investigated in this article as a variable shaping and being shaped by a highly dynamic and uncertain social reality – a reality that is neither constituted of “hard facts” nor of a “soft relativism” alone. From a consideration of the selected Cold War context and the laboratory-like setting of the American broadcaster Radio Free Europe, it can be concluded that a new media-archaeology of the fact requires not only a revision of our understanding of truth but of agency, rationality, and objectivity as well.
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