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EN
As a result of Russian intervention on the Crimean Peninsula in February and March 2014, this area has been brought into the Russian Federation. The EU in response, at an extraordinary summit on the sixth of March, decided to suspend the decade-long visa dialogue with Russia. An amendment to the agreement on visa facilitation was frozen, as well as talks suspended on the abolition of visas. Within a few days, the matter in Crimea shattered the hard-fought prospects for a compromise between Russia and the EU for facilitating border crossing rules, including the target of the abolition of visas. The Polish experience with local border traffic (LBT) may serve as an example for other EU countries interested in signing a similar agreement with neighbouring Russian areas. It is worth now supporting practical solutions that would facilitate contacts between the inhabitants of Kaliningrad and EU countries, including Poland.
EN
The text focuses on developments in Crimea in 2014, with the authors examining the steps launched by the actors in the aspect of international law. In February 2014 separatist tendencies were on the rise in the Crimean Peninsula, which at the time was part of the Ukrainian state, first and foremost as a result of the 2014 Ukrainian revolution. In consequence, Crimea was annexed by the Russian Federation, and the authors look at Russian action from a legal point of view, taking into account the accepted provisions of international law.
EN
The aim of the article is to answer the following questions: did Russia violate international law by executing an armed intervention in Crimea and what are the legal consequences of the Crimean crisis? The author claims that Russia committed aggression against Ukraine, thus violating a peremptory norm of international law. As a consequence, not only Russia is legally responsible for the commission of an internationally wrongful act but also third states and international organisations obliged to bring to an end serious breaches of international law. As well, these latter two are obliged to not recognise the unlawful annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol by Russia. The author analyses legal justifications of the Russian actions, such as defence of nationals, intervention by invitation, humanitarian intervention and the right to exercise self-determination. The author claims that the legal arguments presented by Russia are not convincing, taking into account the circumstances of the crisis.
EN
The paper focuses on the major population and ethnic changes in Crimea during a period that spans the peninsula's history as part of the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union, independent Ukraine and following its recent annexation by the Russian Federation. The study presents the most important factors driving this change and its consequences for the Crimean population. The Crimean ethnic landscape was formed by a number of pivotal and often tragic events, including: two waves of Tatar emigration in the second half of the 18th and the 19th centuries; the Russian civil war and subsequent repressions; two waves of hunger in the 1920s and 1930s, the Second World War, including the deportation of the Crimean Tatars and other ethnic groups in the 1940s; the mass return of the Crimean Tatars at the turn of the 1990s; and the Russian annexation of the peninsula. Statistics were taken from Russian censuses, starting with the first census of the Russian Empire in 1897 and ending with a census carried out by the Russian statistical office Rosstat after the annexation.
EN
The analysis points out that the Crimean peninsula remains an integral part of the territory of Ukraine, as the annexation of the area by the Russian Federation is null and void under the law due to the breach of generally applicable rule of international law concerning the prohibition of aggression. Therefore, only Ukraine is authorized to manage the airspace above the region. In case of any aviation accident in the territory of Crimea, it is not permissible for International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) to recognize the competence of Russia in relation to carry out the investigation. Moreover, such recognition cannot ensue from an agreement between Russia and Ukraine, except for the delegation of responsibilities to investigate the accident in which a Russian plane has been involved.
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Saul Tchernichovsky

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EN
Crimean Sonnets – Translation from the Hebrew Przekład "Sonetów krymskich" Saula Tchernichovskiego [Czernichowski] z hebrajskiego na angielski poprzedzony krótką prezentacją autora.
EN
The conditions and factors of development of the vine landscapes in Crimea and their evolution are considered for the ancient, medieval, imperial, Soviet (first and second halves of the 20 th century), and postSoviet periods. The characteristics of the vineyard landscape zones (South Coast, Foothills and Steppe) are presented. Having reached their maximum areas in the period 1955-1970, the area of the vineyards in Crimea decreased steadily until 2017. The main causes of degradation were the spread of phylloxera, the campaign against alcoholism in 1985, the deterioration of sales after the collapse of the USSR, and the ineffective system of cultivation technology. The current ways of reviving grape landscapes - the introduction of innovative methods of farming, greening and cluster forms of viticulture and winemaking - are addressed.
EN
The aim of this article is to present the liability of Russia and Ukraine regarding Crimea under the European Convention on the Protection of Human Rights. The author analyzes pending and possible prospective cases originating from the conflict around Crimea between Ukraine and Russia. Due to the inconsistency in case law of the EC-tHR it is difficult to clearly determine what state will be considered responsible for the violation of the rights of residents of Crimea resulting from the Convention. In author’s opinion the ECtHR could determine that the Russian Federation may be held respon-sible, as well as Ukraine. However, as it seems, the liability of Ukraine will be limited to the positive obligations under the ECHR.
EN
This article focuses on a genre of Karaite historical writing of the Crimea and Poland-Lithuania – the chronography of which has never been researched by scholars. The object of this study is to analyze the main characteristics of this chronography. This genre existed in the Crimea in the 16th-19th centuries and supposedly emerged due to the influence of both Tatar chronicles and Rabbanite historiography. The scanty number of Polish-Lithuanian chronicles from the 17th century on were supposedly affected by Polish chronicles and by Crimean Karaite chronicles. This genre includes a diversity of writings with different characteristics. In order to define them as historical writings I sorted them and divided them into sub-genres. This division, as well as the authors’ purpose in their writings, help us to define whether a certain text is associated with the historical writing and to come to some conclusions about the author’s views concerning history, his self-identification and his mentality in general.
EN
This article is dedicated to the publications of the Russian legal scholars on the annexation of Crimea in 2014 or, according to the Russian version of the events “Crimea’s reunification with Russia.” Based on the factual circumstances of the case and the norms of Ukrainian constitutional law and international law, as well as modern approaches in international legal doctrine, the article analyses the key arguments of the Russian authorities and its legal scholarship, namely the following: 1) Russia’s use of force against Ukraine was necessary to defend Russian nationals and compatriots; 2) Russia’s use of force against Ukraine was a lawful response to the request for assistance by the legitimate leaders of Ukraine (V. Yanukovych) and Crimea (S. Aksyonov); 3) the events in Crimea were a secession, with the subsequent accession of the Republic of Crimea to the Russian Federation as an independent state; 4) Ukraine disregarded the principle of the equality and self-determination of peoples vis-à-vis the residents of Crimea, therefore, Crimeans had the right to secede; 5) Crimea is historically Russian; 6) Ukraine had been exercising peaceful annexation of the peninsula since 1991, and Russia did not object to this (subject to certain conditions, which Ukraine violated in 2014); 7) the transfer of Crimea to Ukraine in 1954 was illegal. This article evaluates whether these claims hold any weight under international law. In addition the general trends in contemporary Russian approaches to international law are outlined and their effects on its foreign policy are examined.
EN
Despite many years of research at the site, the Roman fort at Cape Aj-Todor near Yalta remains rela- tively poorly studied. A  better understanding of the discoveries made at the site can be reached by comparing them with the results of the excavations conducted in another fort also located in Crimea – at BalaklavaKadykovka. This text is an attempt at gathering together all the published information about the discoveries made at Cape Aj-Todor. The comparison of the research results from both sites has enabled establishing numerous similarities between them. Both forts functioned simultaneously, and their architectural remains can be qualified to identically dated phases. The final effect of the analysis undertaken by the author is a more complete plan of the fort at Cape Aj-Todor along with its surroundings, processed in a new graphic formula.
EN
The Ukraine conflict escalated in early 2014 and resulted in Russia’s annexation of Crimea. This illustrates a troublesome pattern in the region. The author claims that this most recent political crisis is in fact emblematic of Russian’s narrative for some time, as exemplified by the Russia-Georgian War, or Putin’s support of Moldavian separatists. The article attempts to conceptualize Russian “mingling” in the region in light of several relevant events such as the recent creation of the Eurasian Economic Union as well as the annexation of Crimea as a deliberate strategy that reflects a much larger pattern of potential destabilization and expansionism, which begun more than a decade ago. The argument will be analyzed through the prism of two theoretical perspectives, the redefined domino theory and Kohr’s power theory of social misery. Moreover, the article will place a particular emphasis on the increasing influence of the concept of Eurasianism on Russian geopolitics in recent years. The increasing regional vulnerabilities in light of Russia’s antagonistic policy of Realpolitik, stresses the need for a protracted dialogue about other potential security threats that could further destabilize the region. The article discusses recent events in Ukraine as an emblematic example of Russian geopolitical strategy as a potential warning for other sovereign States in the post-Soviet “near-abroad”.
EN
The author analyzes the development of ethnic relations in Crimea. Indicate the main points of tension in the relations between Ukrainians, Russians and Tatars and their role in shaping the modern political life of the Tatars.
PL
Autor analizuje rozwój stosunków etnicznych na Krymie. Wskazuje główne punkty napięcia w stosunkach między Ukraińcami, Rosjanami i Tatarami oraz ich rolę w kształtowaniu współczesnego życia politycznego Tatarów (przed aneksją Półwyspu przez Rosję).
EN
This article attempts to present, summarize and develop an essay Witaj bracie, pisać bardzo trudno (Hello brother, it is very difficult to write). The essay under scrutiny was devoted to the reception of changes in public discourse by Russian intellectuals after the occupation of Crimea. The following features were the most important ones: diagnosing anomie, shock, caused by an unexpected cultural change; weak presence of pro-European rhetoric in the messages of authors considered to be pro-Western (occidentalists); stigmatization of intellectuals (restoration of the category of “fifth column and traitors of the nation”), as well as their self-stigmatization (recalling the nineteenthcentury category of “superfluous man”); historical references to the times of Tsar Nicholas I and Leonid Brezhnev (no references to the Stalinist period, which will appear after 2015); replacement of the term “public opinion” with the “mass-media effect”; belief in degradation, social demoralization, which would result from the determinism of the “Russian way”; restoration of the Russian intelligentsia category. Finally, an attempt was made to present new determinants of social dynamics influencing the change in the Russian journalists’ discourse that intensified after the year 2015.
EN
The aim of this article is to classify the armed conflict between Ukraine and Russia in light of international law. Firstly, the Russian armed activities are qualified through the lens of use of force and it is shown that Russia committed an aggression. Secondly, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is qualified according to the law of armed conflict, not only identifying the applicable norms of law of armed conflict but examining whether atrocities have been committed and whether they are war crimes or mere crimes or acts of terror. The article posits that there is an international armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine and in addition a non-international one between Ukrainian insurgents and governmental forces. The methodology used in the article is legal analysis of documents and international law doctrine.
EN
The aim of this paper is to reveal the evolution of basic principles of international law and main approaches of great powers to regulation of regional conflicts on the basis of analysis of Crimea and “Novorossiya” cases. The works of Nicu Popescu and Andrew Wilson about the special aspects of the Russian power were used as the theoretical foundation of this paper. After the Second World War international law was based on the principle of inviolable borders. And now this principle is being revised. This causes the raise of separatism in all multinational states. And this serves well for the Russian foreign politics. At that time it became a priority for the politicians in the Kremlin to regain geopolitical control of the areas adjacent to the Russian Federation and rebuild the spheres of influence which existed back in the Soviet times. Russian soft power is built on bedrock of historical and cultural affinity - the presence of Russian minorities in neighbourhood countries, the Russian language, post- Soviet nostalgia and the strength of the Russian Orthodox Church. The Russian and the Western soft power differ fundamentally. Russian soft power, civil society, expert networks or analytic schools by definition are not equivalent or similar institutions as those in the West. They serve different functions, namely propaganda. The vectors Russia’s soft power, including the Russian-speaking minority organisations, have organised the referendum in Crimea, and have been destabilising the eastern regions of Ukraine. The proponents of “Eurasianism” claim that there exists a separate civilization and historical community in the territory corresponding to the area of the former Russian Empire. They ascribe a cultural meaning to the Russian-speaking community (so-called Russian world). The concept of “nation” is expanded to include areas where the Russian language and culture are dominant. This ideology has become an instrument for managing the conflicts in the post-Soviet area (Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Crimea, and Novorossiya). On March 6, 2014, the Parliament of Crimea adopted a Resolution No.1702-6/14 that provided for a referendum on secession to be held on March 16, 2014. The referendum was characterized by a complete lack of transparency. Claims on legality of the annexation of Crimea have nothing to do with international law. However, it was reported in Russia that the decision to join Russia was supported by more than 97% of voters. In other words, in Crimea a unilateral secession took place. Even after annexation of Crimea the problem of Russianspeaking is still dangerous for the stability of Ukraine, because they are actively supported by Russian Federation. The notion of “Novorossiya” denotes the confederation of the self-proclaimed republics of Donetsk and Luhansk. Putin first called this part of Ukraine “Novorossiya on 17 March, 2014 after the annexation of Crimea. Russia is not interested to de jure separate Donbas from Ukraine, but interested to make the region economically more viable. In future Russia might return to the plans of carving out a more sizeable Novorossiya. Minsk agreements (February 12, 2015) foresee, among other things, the removal of military hardware from the separatist regions and the monitoring of the Russia-Ukraine border. Some commentators and even some Ukrainians suggested a radical solution: abandoning Donbas altogether. This would free Kyiv so it could focus on reforms and spare it a real economic and political burden. But independence for Donbas is probably unrealistic: many forces in Ukraine would be against it, and so would the West. And it is an option that Moscow neither expects nor wants. Russia wants leverage over Ukraine, not burdensome new obligations. Russian policy that Europe have followed up to now, based on the assumption of cooperation and the respect of commonly agreed rules, is done for the time being. Russia is no longer a partner for stability in the European neighbourhood. For example, the Budapest Memorandum collapsed after Russia annexed the Crimea. Despite that both European and American leaders called on Russia to stop – at 11 first by terminating support to the “men in green”, later by ceasing conflict escalation and supply of weapons, and not carrying out unilateral humanitarian operations – withdrawal from all these “red lines” was made, because the West avoided getting into a direct confrontation with Russia. The situation after the 2008 conflict in Georgia allows Russia to assume that after the end of the conflict in Ukraine, relations with the West will eventually revert to the “business as usual” situation. Russia hopes to repeat this scenario again. It is important to emphasize that the “business as usual” concept includes not only normalization of economic relations, lifting of sanctions, and renewal of the political dialogue, but also recognition of Russia as a veto holder in the security architecture of Europe. The practical manifestation of such recognition could be that the expansion of the transatlantic institutions further to the post–Soviet space would not be possible without Russia’s approval. The Ukraine crisis has altered Europe’s security structure. Europe is now far less secure, and its security architecture altogether is less stable, less predictable. At the same time, Europe has a better chance to exist peacefully if it succeeds in binding Russia into a cooperative order.
EN
State policy regarding the use of civilians for the defence of the country, promotion of military service and bringing them into the territorial defence battalions deserve special attention, given the difficult political and economic situation in the country after the Revolution Benefits. Thus, the experience of Ukraine regarding the formation of the system of territorial defence, and other mechanisms to combat the enemy in a hybrid war can serve as an example for other countries and alliances, in order to avoid similar mistakes and use them in the future for their own defence.
EN
This article is devoted to separatism as a global phenomenon of modern times. Separatism is considered a large-scale phenomenon of the present, which can cause irreparable consequences for state independence. The concept of separatism is analysed in accordance with different dictionaries that interpret this phenomenon. The concept of separatism is analysed using the comparative method, namely, separatism is compared with the solar system. The main types of separatism are analysed, depending of the region, country and the sphere of its expression. Examples of each of them are given in the article. If we consider separatism as a movement or a process that wants to separate from the state, then, depending on the purpose, the following forms of separatism are distinguished: secession, irredentism, and devolution. The positions of the representatives of the scientific world community about secession are highlighted, its main advantages and disadvantages are revealed. The article highlights the interesting positions of scientists who consider separatism as a positive phenomenon in the process of nation-building. As an example of irredentism, the situation with the Crimea is described. Crimea was an autonomous region within the nation of Ukraine until March 2014 after a shady referendum it was taken over by the Russian police.
PL
The province of Kefe (Caffa) was one of the Ottoman frontier provinces and played an important role in the Ottoman relations with Moscow and Bakhchisaray. One duty of the governor of Kefe was to control the Crimean khan and inform the Ottoman central authorities about the situation in the Crimea. Azak (Azov) belonged to the province of Kefe and, as an important frontier fortress, enjoyed special rights and privileges. Kefe and Azak were transit points for Muscovite envoys and merchants on their way to Istanbul, and their governors typically acted as the ‘ears and eyes’ of the sultan in regard to Muscovy and the Don Cossacks. Based on primary sources, this article examines the correspondence of the governors of Kefe and Azak with Moscow and discusses their impact on the OttomanMuscovite relations. Special attention is devoted to the titulature used by the Ottoman provincial governors in their letters addressed to the tsar.
EN
On 11 March 2014 Crimea declared independence. Ukraine and international society has not recognised that act. However Crimea’s independence was recognised by Russia and on 18 March 2014 an agreement on the accession of the Republic of Crimea to the Russian Federation was signed. Many countries and international organisations have condemned that step, viewing it as illegal annexation. Regardless of how this situation is treated however, it is at present a fait accompli. Such a situation evokes legal consequences both in the internal law of Ukraine and Russia as well as on the plane of international law. The residents of Crimea appear to be in the worst situation. Legal certainty is a fiction for them now. There are also problems on the international plane. Despite the fact that in the opinion of international society Crimea remains an integral part of Ukraine, in practice there are many conflicting problems of a legal nature that cannot be solved, at least for the time being. This article analyses the legality and certain legal consequences of the “accession” of Crimea to Russia and the effect of this accession on the legal situation for residents of Crimea. The article concludes that legal situation of Crimeans will not improve anytime soon, and that the legal problems which have arisen on the international plane will not be resolved soon either.
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