Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Refine search results

Journals help
Authors help
Years help

Results found: 395

first rewind previous Page / 20 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  Czech Republic
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 20 next fast forward last
EN
The by-product of the current global economic processes is increasing competitive pressure. In conditions of world economy globalization, the Czech Republic was particularly successful in the 1990s, mainly due to the strategy of “low cost economy”. Low costs were the primary source of competitive advantage. Increasing pressure of large countries with cheap labour force does not allow the Czech Republic make its labour costs lower and use this as a source of economic growth and international competitiveness. Therefore the Czech Republic was forced to direct its further economic development towards the knowledge-based economy. Due to this new priority, in the economic policy the innovative abilities of the companies, increasing quality of human resources, as well as research and development of the new technologies became the most important tasks. For the most of companies these trends were tantamount with the necessity of basic changes in production process organization, management, human resources development, etc. Both inner and outer entrepreneurial environments were thus considerably changed and innovative companies become the carriers of comparative advantages in the regional development. The objective of the article is to assess the current position of the Czech Republic in international perspective as far as the innovative efficiency is concerned. The authors also will try to point the strong and weak sides of the innovation system in the Czech Republic. The second part of the paper analyses the innovative potential of particular Czech regions.
EN
An analysis of the development and programmatic standpoint of the Czech liberal-conservative political stream. The article uses the concept of Euroscepticism as presented in the works of Szczerbiak and Taggart, and Kopecký and Mudde as the theoretical framework and develops this concept based on Petr Kaniok’s new typology. In the first part of the analysis is a discussion of the development of the Eurosceptic faction within the Civic Democratic Party (ODS) and changes in the party’s position towards the EU. It also lends understanding to the Eurosceptic faction within the ODS, with Václav Klaus as its supporter and think tanks related to him, as the incubator for the establishment of the Party of Free Citizens (SSO) in 2009. In the second part of the analysis, the focus is on the party’s programme and its position within the European political arena. The analysis also includes a discussion of the most visible proclamations of the party leaders against the EU and the European integration process. The analysis is framed with the general debate about the liberal-conservative party family and its development at the EU level.
3
Content available remote

On the Position of Ubi within East Chadic

100%
Lingua Posnaniensis
|
2011
|
vol. 53
|
issue 1
41-55
EN
In the article the position of a recently described East Chadic language Ubi is solved. For this aim the lexicostatistic method was used. Contrary to the classification proposed in Ethnologue16, Ubi and Mawa should be classified together with Sokoro and Barain and not together with Bidiya, Dangla, Migama, etc.
EN
One of the characteristic features of the transformation processes taking place in the post-communist countries of Central Europe is the emergence of unused buildings and sites – so-called brownfields. These can be divided into several kinds, according to their original function. One of these is also the so-called military brownfield. Most of such areas were transferred, after the most necessary clean-up, to municipalities, which approached and still approach their further utilization highly individually, in connection with the character of the site as well as that of the municipality itself. Equally individual is the respective successfulness or unsuccessfulness of the revitalization of post-military areas as measured by differing indicators. The functions which revitalized former military areas have acquired are varied. One of the most common is the production function (e.g. industrial zones), residential function (housing zones), production-residential (a mix of production and housing) and production-servicing (a mix of production and services). The following contribution will first analyze demilitarization in the Czech Republic from the point of view of systemic changes in the Czech military doctrine; in the second part case studies are introduced, illustrating the transformational changes in selected settlements, caused by the loss of their military function.
EN
The transformation of Czech economy after 1989 brought many substantial changes. Gradually, new organizational, institutional and legal frameworks were shaped for the operation of a market mechanism. Similar to a number of other branches, the construction industry transformed significantly. The first half of the 1990 was marked by the restructuring, privatization and subsequent internationalization, which continued in the second half of the decade. Opening of the market towards the west, and the internationalization have brought many innovations. They can be seen for example in the application of new technologies or the implementation of modern building materials. A typical example of these innovations is the boom in construction of low-energy houses. The paper also deals with the gradual change in the residential construction, characterized by the gradual departure from state directives in residential construction, to institutional support of entrepreneurship, to highly integrated residential development.This paper was elaborated under the project GA AV ČR IAA301670901 „Časoprostorová organizace denních urbánních systémů: analýza a hodnocení vybraných procesů“ and project IGA UP PrF_2011_006 „Krajina jako geosystém: změny v časové a prostorové struktuře a jejich hlavní mechanismy“ funded by the Faculty of Science, Palacký University in Olomouc, Czech Republic.
CS
Party mandate theory claims that parties form government coalitions so that they can fulfil their election promises. This article looks at the party mandate model as applied to the arena of post-communist Europe and at the obstacles that can prevent a party from fulfilling its mandate (the presence of a new type of party, hyperaccountability, short-lived governments). The article describes the findings from a study examining the degree to which socio-economic legislative promises were fulfilled by the second government of Mirek Topolánek, the first government of Petr Nečas, and the (recent) government of Bohuslav Sobotka after a year and a half for all governments, and in the end of the term for Topolánek’s and Nečas’ governments. Coalition parties were found to have fulfilled 19–40% of their election promises after a year and a half in office, and this percentage had only increased slightly by the time the two governments that were studied for the full duration of their time in office had reached the end of their term. Binary logistic regression models revealed that the odds of election promises being fulfilled are greater if a promise is formulated as a commitment to maintain the status quo and if a promise is consensual and included in a coalition agreement. By contrast, there was no effect observed to result from party control of government ministries or from the advantage of being the prime ministerial party.
XX
This article investigates levels and predictors of support for democracy and two democratic principles (free speech and minority rights) among Czech 14- to 17-year-olds. An analysis of survey data collected in primary and secondary schools in four regions in 2014 (N = 1,959) reveals that among young Czechs general support for a democratic regime is relatively independent from more specific pro-democratic attitudes (although there is an association between general support for democracy and the abstract principle of freedom of speech). On a general level, democracy was supported by about two-thirds of adolescents in the sample. Similar or even higher levels of support were found for the two principles of democracy when presented in abstract terms. However, when these principles were presented to them in specific, less clear-cut contexts, support for them was much lower. Specifically, despite their strong support for free speech, about half of respondents supported restricting unconventional political activism. Moreover, a similar proportion of participants seemed to downplay minority rights when the majority rule was emphasised. Results of the analysis also revealed that support for different aspects of democracy was predicted by various psychological and socioeconomic factors.
EN
The main aim of the article is to contribute to the bourgeoning debate on semipresidentialism, its definition, and its characteristic features, with analysis of the empirical example of the Czech Republic, a country which, according to Elgie´s standard definition, shifted to semi-presidentialism in 2012. The author investigates whether and how Miloš Zeman, the first directly elected president of the Czech Republic, influences relations among the key political institutions in the direction of the model of a semi-presidential democracy. The paper sets out the working concept of semi-presidentialism first and, through the lenses of process tracing, analyses the goals and acts of Zeman after he entered office in January 2013. The case study of the Czech Republic sheds light not only on the recent development(s) in the Czech political system, but it can be seen as an interesting example of how strong political personalities are attempting to expand their influence on politics in a parliamentary democracy and what the possible limits of this effort are.
EN
Due to the emergence of Internet-based media channels the character of local information spaces in the Czech Republic has undergone a remarkable change. Traditionally, dominant information sources: daily newspapers and municipally-owned media have become challenged by a variety of online sources run by groups of active citizens. Based on a systemic analysis of the local media sector and interviews conducted with representatives of local activist groups this paper discusses the consequences of these processes for local political communication. From the activists’ perspective, the new communication environment has significantly influenced the character of the mutual relationship between different participants in local political communication. Trust between journalists and activists: the basis for their cooperative relationship, faces decline, whereas the self-confidence of activists in negotiations with politicians has increased. Online media also allow the activists to break the existing information monopoly and engage citizens in public affairs. These changes have resulted in the professionalisation of communication skills for the activists, who are thus able to become more important participants in political communication.
EN
The paper makes an attempt to show the changes in the process of formation of national identity. This people emigrated between 1968–1989 to the countries of Western Europe and North America and returned during the nineties of the 20th century. The research focuses on the process of forming identity of these individuals, their causal conditions, intervening conditions and what is the main element forming their identity in relation to the nation. From the depth analysis of the interviews showed that the central phenomenon in the sense of national identity is a measure of an individual’s adaptation to the environment or degree of acculturation and consequently the rate of reintegration. This phenomenon, however, entering intervening conditions, such as coping strategies, success at work or family and friendly ties. The main line in this context represents the direction of emigration and re-emigration of an individual with all the causal and intervening conditions. An important element of context lines is, however, the very fact of the departure of the individual, including his preparations for departure from the country. That’s basically determines to a large extent, the actual process of acculturation in individuals with emigration impact on the sense of national identity.
EN
National rather than regional party systems are the norm in most democratic states. This has been interpreted as meaning that most voters view inter-party competition in the same way. With a high level of party system nationalisation the relative proportion of electoral support attracted by parties across all constituencies tends to be very similar although the absolute level of party support changes across elections. Sociological and institutional explanations have been used to account for party system nationalisation. Both of these explanations have generally made causal inferences using aggregate data. The link between party system nationalisation and the individual voter has not been examined in the same detail. Here this link is explored using an ecological inference analysis of vote switching. This research, using the Czech Republic as a case study, shows that the presence of high party system nationalisation evident across a pair of elections may be associated with nonuniform electoral swings. These results demonstrate that evidence of party system nationalisation should not be taken to mean that all voters view electoral choices in the same way.
EN
Established in February 1991 the Triangle/Visegrad Group is an example of a regional target cooperation bound between Middle European countries: The Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary. The main goal for which the Group was contracted was the countries’ common working toward obtaining NATO and EU membership, as well as building wholly independent and democratic countries. The Group constitutes a formula of political, economic and energy cooperation. The main goal of this article is to point out the successes of the Visegrad Group, to which we can include among others, maintaining a cooperation in spite of joining NATO and the European Union, as well as the regulated form of working together as a Group. The challenges the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary must face if they want to maintain their cooperation within the Visegrad Group will be represented in this text. Among these certainly would be included the lack of consistency in the politics of Bratislava, Budapest, Prague, and Warsaw in regards to the Group, as well as a lack of conformity in their actions towards Russia.
EN
Research background: The fundamental conclusions about the relationship be-tween personnel management and organizational performance can be also applied to personnel management in primary and secondary schools,  which play an important role in the society. There is no doubt that headmasters, deputy headmasters and other school managers who want to achieve excellent performance of their schools, must pay special attention to management of all employees (including teaching and non-teaching staff) because their abilities, motivation and performance determine the desired results of schools. Purpose of the article: The purpose of the article is to define particular categories of man-agers in Czech primary and secondary schools and specify their responsibilities and competencies in personnel management in order to propose an optimal organization of personnel management at Czech schools. Methods: Achieving the purpose of the article is based on the analysis of available scientific literature and the results of the authors' questionnaire survey on the organization of personnel management at Czech primary and secondary schools. The survey was conducted from January to March 2017. The respondents were headmasters, deputy headmasters and other managers of Czech primary and secondary schools. The relevant data were obtained from 90 respondents. The data analysis was based on the calculation of relative frequencies and the evaluation of the dependence of responses using contingency tables and chi-square tests of independence. Findings & Value added: The findings show that responsibilities for managing teaching and non-teaching staff at Czech schools belong not only to headmasters, but also to other managers at schools, including deputy headmasters, head teachers, heads of school clubs, heads of school canteens, educational consultants, school psychologists, treasurers, or school caretakers. Anyone who influences and directs others in the organization should be involved in personnel management and participate in various personnel management activities related to employee selection, appraisal, compensation or training. The significant competencies of headmasters and other managers in personnel and school management include managerial competencies (the ability to manage others), personal competencies (the ability to manage yourself), or professional competencies (the ability to manage the school).
EN
The process of democratization leads to implementation of democratic values among society and institutional pattern in political system. It is a complicated and multi-staged road. Each stage and dimension has its own qualities. The article presents both theoretical conception of the process of democratization and empirical example of the Republic of Czech. There are some general and specific Czech qualities of all stages of the process of democratization: erosion of undemocratic regime, transition and democratic consolidation. The last one is evaluated in the article in the lime of quantitative and qualitative analysis.
EN
The paper focuses on the adaption of the theoretical models of the regional tourism competitiveness to the conditions of the Czech Republic. The authors of this study analyze a newly emerged theoretical model of regional competitiveness monitoring with respect to the current data availability. The ultimate aim is to specify a proposal for the Czech national tourism organization (CzechTourism) in terms of practical usage and monitoring of the competitiveness model. The principal question is how and why to monitor the competitiveness of a tourist destination at the regional and national levels in the Czech Republic. The next step of the project is the conducting of the research, testing of the model and the implementation.
EN
It is not clear from previous research if influential spatial techniques for analysing roll-data used in the Houses of Congress in the United States are appropriate in European multiparty systems. This is because the results of spatial analyses of roll-call data from the United States are interpreted in terms of ideological preferences. Within Europe party discipline is also a central feature of legislator behaviour. Consequently, spatial models of roll call behaviour in European legislatures should be explained in terms of party cohesion and discipline. This means that the correct interpretation of spatial models of roll-call data in places such as the Czech Republic requires access to additional sources of empirical evidence such as parliamentary survey data in order to make valid and reliable inferences about what motivates legislative behaviour. Using roll-call and parliamentary survey data from the sixth legislature in the Czech Republic (2006–2008), this research demonstrates that spatial models of roll-call data are not readily explainable in terms of party cohesion and discipline. The difficulty of making a substantive interpretation of dimensions extracted suggests the use of spatial models of roll-call voting where part discipline is strong requires more theoretical and methodological work.
17
Content available remote

Trade Union Influence in the Czech Republic since 1989

80%
EN
Trade unions in the Czech Republic have experienced a steady decline in membership and, albeit less markedly, in bargaining coverage since the early 1990s, but much less decline in political influence. An assessment of the extent of their overall ability to influence society’s development requires a division into three spheres: business, employment relations, and the state budget. Strength in one sphere is found to influence strength in others. The development of collective bargaining in workplaces and at the sectoral level took shape relatively early. Forms of political influence developed more gradually, by a learning process, to include a combination of participation in tripartite structures, organising mass protest demonstrations and lobbying MPs and ministers. The relative weights of these elements, and their effectiveness, have varied with different governments and balances of power in parliament.
EN
Socialisation in a single-parent family has been associated with negative consequences both in previous research and popular discourse. This article investigates whether this association may be different in a society with a high rate of divorce and extramarital fertility. Using data from the Czech contribution to the EU-SILC survey, it tests hypotheses concerning the difference between the current situation of adults who grew up in single-parent families and those who were raised in intact families. We look for the influence of socialisation on single-parent families in three areas—educational attainment, current partnership situation, and current family income. The results of regression analyses show that the differences between children from single-parent families and those from intact ones are very small in the area of education (the influence is apparent only at the secondary school graduation level, no difference is present at the tertiary education level), relatively weak in the area of partnership situation, and imperceptible from the viewpoint of family income. These results exclude a causal explanation for the influence of single-parent families on outcomes, cast doubt on selective principles, and open space for interpretation in terms of mechanisms of family de-institutionalisation.
EN
Elaborating on the process of the restitution of church property in the Czech Republic after the fall of the communist regime, this paper stresses the discursive dimension of this process. To obtain information on the main arguments for and against restitution, we selected two mainstream daily newspapers, the centre-right Lidové noviny and centre-left Právo, and the ‘official’ church media of the two largest churches seeking restitution in the Czech Republic: Katolický týdeník, the official paper of the Roman Catholic Church, and the monthly Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren magazine, Český bratr. All selected sources covered the 1990–2019 period. Our analysis of the media debate helps to determine why restitution in the Czech Republic – an interesting case given that it is perceived as the most atheistic country of the Visegrad Four – took its unique direction. It took more than twenty years for the churches to receive their relatively generous compensation and, at the same time, become separated from the state. Linking the theoretical concept of discursive depoliticisation with an argumentative analysis allows us to show that emphasis of the spiritual contribution of churches to society did not play a key supporting role in legitimising the restitution. The enactment of restitution was aided by two widely shared, morally oriented depoliticised sentiments: a neoliberal emphasis on private property and efficient management and an emphasis on the defence of constitutionality reinforced by anti-communist sentiments.
EN
Contemporary theorists of family and kinship emphasize its fluidness. Processes of mating and becoming parents do not have clear rules and people must explicitly define their partner commitments and family arrangements. I explore the ways surnames are employed in the negotiation of kinship and making it obvious. Focusing on women’s perspective, I analyzed data downloaded from internet chats where (mostly female) participants discussed family-related topics. Findings confirm the the negotiated nature of family relationships and illustrate how social norms are being reinterpreted and accomodated to particular situations. As a result of a number of repartnered families, biological kinship loses its importance in defining close kin relationships, and instead their social and emotional basis is emphasized. The norm of nuclear family sharing a surname is challened and alternatives are prefered by some women, despite being restricted by less flexible codified norms.
first rewind previous Page / 20 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.