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EN
This paper examines the court review of the first ever elections to the Sub-Carpathian Ruthenian Parliament, which took place in the atmosphere of the Second Republic and were influenced by the intensifying struggle between the various national orientations that had emerged in Sub-Carpathian Ruthenia.
PL
W okresie międzywojennym w Europie Środkowej powstały nowe jednostki państwowe, takie jak Czechosłowacja i Polska. Ważną rolę w kształtowaniu lojalności i świadomości narodowej obywateli nowych państw odegrały także Kościołyi ich instytucje skoncentrowane na edukacji, szkoleniu czy opiece społecznej. Wśród takich instytucji znalazło się Zgromadzenie Sióstr Służebnic Niepokalanego Poczęcia (w skrócie Siostry Służebnice), które powstało na terenie międzywojennej Polski. W krótkim czasie odniosły one wielki sukces i spotkały się z odzewem wśród grekokatolików w Czechosłowacji. W 1928 r. na zaproszenie biskupa preszowskiego Pavla Gojdiča cztery siostry przybyły do Preszowa we współpracy z miejscowym kościołem greckokatolickim, aby założyć klasztor i poświęcić się edukacji, szkoleniom i służbom socjalnym. Przybyciu towarzyszyły komplikacje z wizami czechosłowackimi. Powodem było ukraińskie pochodzenie Sióstr Służebnic. W Polsce środowisko ukraińskie charakteryzowało się wysokim stopniem nacjonalizmu i ideą tzw. Wielkiej Ukrainy, która obejmowała również terenów ówczesnej Czechosłowacji. Zezwolenia na wizy wydano dopiero po wyraźnym oświadczeniu biskupa preszowskiego o apolitycznym charakterze służby Sióstr we wschodniej Słowacji. Biskup Gojdič otrzymał w tym celu wsparcie papieża i prezydenta Czechosłowacji. Efektem była pomyślnie rozwijająca się służba Sióstr Służebnic, którą przerwał dopiero nadejście reżimu komunistycznego. Współpraca grekokatolików z Polski i Czechosłowacji w okresie międzywojennym umożliwiła Siostrom Służebnicom prowadzenie apostolatu na polu społecznym Kościoła i pomimo przymusowej przerwy spowodowanej przez reżim komunistyczny, nadal to czynią na terenie całej Słowacji.
EN
In the interwar period, new state units such as Czechoslovakia and Poland were formed in Central Europe. Churches and their institutions focused on education, training or social care also played an important role in shaping the loyalty and national awareness of the citizens of the new states. Among such institutions was the Congregation of the Sisters of the Servants of the Immaculate Conception (abbreviated as the Maid), which was established in the territory of interwar Poland. In a short time, it was a great success and achieved a response among Greek Catholics in Czechoslovakia. In 1928, at the invitation of the Bishop of Prešov, Pavel Gojdič, four sisters came to Prešov in cooperation with the local Greek Catholic Church to establish a monastery and devote themselves to education, training and social services. The arrival was accompanied by complications with visas from Czechoslovakia. The reason was the Ukrainian environment where the maids came from. In Poland, it was characterized by a high degree of nationalism and the idea of so-called Greater Ukraine, which also included part of Czechoslovakia. Visa permits were issued only after a clear argument from the bishop of Prešov about the apolitical nature of the service of nuns in eastern Slovakia. For his purpose, Bishop Gojdič received the support of the Pope and the Czechoslovak President. The result was the successfully developing ministry of maid sisters, which was stopped only by the onset of the communist regime. The cooperation of Greek Catholics from Poland and Czechoslovakia in the interwar period enabled the nuns to lead the apostolate in the social field of the church, and despite the forced break caused by the communist regime, they continue to do so throughout Slovakia.
EN
This paper critically examines the process of politicization of the Slovak democratic protagonists gathered in and around the civic movement Public Against Violence (Verejnosť proti násiliu, VPN), from the 1989 democratic revolution to the 1992 elections. By politicization I mean the process through which the examined subjects underwent a transformation from a democratic movement to a liberal-democratic political party. I focus on particular protagonists within VPN as well as on their interactions with other political subjects. For this purpose, I employ two methodological approaches. The first is borrowed from Robert Brier's reading of Skinnerian intellectual history, as applied to Adam Michnik's use of the term "totalitarianism". The second is informed by Daniel Hirschman and Isaac Ariail Reed's understanding of "formation stories". This allows me to focus on a subject-driven analysis of key concepts, practices and political ideas that shaped the nascent pluralist environment in early post-socialist Slovakia. Liberalism, as represented by VPN, seemedThis paper critically examines the process of politicization of the Slovak democratic protagonists gathered in and around the civic movement Public Against Violence (Verejnosť proti násiliu, VPN), from the 1989 democratic revolution to the 1992 elections. By politicization I mean the process through which the examined subjects underwent a transformation from a democratic movement to a liberal-democratic political party. I focus on particular protagonists within VPN as well as on their interactions with other political subjects. For this purpose, I employ two methodological approaches. The first is borrowed from Robert Brier's reading of Skinnerian intellectual history, as applied to Adam Michnik's use of the term "totalitarianism". The second is informed by Daniel Hirschman and Isaac Ariail Reed's understanding of "formation stories". This allows me to focus on a subject-driven analysis of key concepts, practices and political ideas that shaped the nascent pluralist environment in early post-socialist Slovakia. Liberalism, as represented by VPN, seemed to appear as a pragmatic choice to counter the Communist regime's wrongdoings and misconceptions. Yet at the same time, to understand liberal democratic politics and policies in Slovakia, one has to acknowledge the gradual dissent from approaching democracy as participatory to imagining democracy as a conservative-liberal-democratic institutionalized order.
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