Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 16

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  ELECTION
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
1
Content available remote

AUTORITÁŘSKÉ REPRESIVNÍ STRATEGIE A VOLEBNÍ SOUTĚŽIVOST

100%
Bílek J.
Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2017
|
vol. 49
|
issue 4
343 – 368
EN
Elections in electoral and competitive authoritarian regimes have recently gained a great deal of attention in comparative research. This paper offers an explanation of variation in degree of electoral competitiveness in electoral authoritarianism in post-communist Europe and Eurasia. Contrary to existing research which is focused mostly on variables related to the opposition, this study concentrates on seven authoritarian repressive strategies derived from previous research about elections in hybrid regimes. For that purpose, this study compares 67 cases of elections that were carried out between 1990 and 2014, employing regression analysis and qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) while engaging the new data on incumbent abuse from the Varieties of Democracy (V-DEM) project. The results highlight the importance of media censorship and legal exclusion of opposition. These findings are in a discrepancy with previous research as the two most influential repressive strategies which are usually mentioned with respect to electoral authoritarianism, i.e. economic statism and governmental control of electoral committees, are proven as rather irrelevant in the post-communist's context.
2
Content available remote

MISINTERPRETATION OF THE HAGENBACH-BISCHOFF QUOTA

100%
Dančišin V.
Annales Scientia Politica
|
2013
|
vol. 2
|
issue 1
75 – 78
EN
The present study deals with the electoral quota suggested by E. Hagenbach-Bischoff in his works, such as Die Frage der Einführung einer Proportionalvertretung statt des absoluten Mehres (1888) and Die Verteilungsrechnung beim Basler Gesetz nach dem Grundsatz der Verhältniswahl (1905). In the study, it is shown the Hagenbach-Bischoff quota is the same as Droop quota, so the correct formula that should be associated with name of E. Hagenbach-Bischoff is Q = [V/(S+1)]+1 or its mathematical equivalent (in the formula V represents total valid votes and S is total number of seats to be filled in the election and brackets [ ] denote the floor function, which rounds a real number down to the next integer).
3

COULD CITIZENS VOTE AGAINST? REGULATORY FOCUS ON PROMOTION VS. PREVENTION AND VOTING ACTIVITY

100%
Dolinski D., Drogosz M.
Kolokwia Psychologiczne (Psychological Colloquia)
|
2007
|
vol. 16
103-116
EN
The problem of many democratic countries, especially Poland, is the low voting turnout. One of the potential reasons is a way of voting: only voting 'for' a party or a candidate is allowed. Possibly, the introduction of voting 'against' could prompt many voters to act. The concept of regulatory focus (Higgins 1998) suggests that people focused on prevention should vote against eagerly. The present article describes two studies conducted to verify that hypothesis. In the first study more than 2/3 of participants declared that they would vote more eagerly when voting for and against would be allowed. The second study shows that the 'pro and anti' formula is especially attractive for participants characterized by regulatory focus on prevention.
4
Content available remote

Kandidátky na předsedu: mediální obraz političek ve volbách do Poslanecké sněmovny v roce 2006

100%
Baslarova I., Binkova P.
Gender, rovné příležitosti, výzkum (Gender, Equal Opportunities, Research)
|
2007
|
vol. 8
|
issue 2
87-95
EN
The article focuses on the media representations of women-politicians and women-candidates during Czech Republic Parliamentary Election in 2006. Using the results of extensive quantitative and qualitative research of the media contents the authoresses analyse the ways in which journalists report on women in politics and on equal opportunities issues in general. Their analysis starts with the following questions: What form of representations do the media use? How much space do they allocate to women-politicians? Which topics they connect with women participants in the big league politics? They claim that during the 2006 Parliamentary election there was a distinct raising public and media demand on the topic of equal opportunities. The authoresses therefore ask: How did the media deal with the issues of equal opportunities? What form did the representation of women in the Czech political life take? They come to the conclusion that despite the media (public) need for the equal opportunity agenda setting, there is still general lack of deeper knowledge, which could form a meaningful and useful discussion.
5

KYBERNETICKÉ ÚTOKY POČAS PREZIDENTSKEJ KAMPANE V SPOJENÝCH ŠTÁTOCH AMERICKÝCH V ROKU 2016

100%
Štefík R.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2017
|
vol. 10
|
issue 1
65 – 81
EN
The rapid growing informatization by the end of 90s in last century became crucial to society development. This new situation became new challenges regarding personal and national security. Internet as a global network create cyberspace, which is becoming increasingly a domain for cyber confrontation. The aim of this article is to review cyber-attacks which took place during US president election in 2016. These cyber-attacks have brought fundamental change in perception of cyber threats and impact of cyber-attacks to political functions and legitimacy.
6
Content available remote

SLOVENSKÉ STRANICKÉ ZEMĚTŘESENÍ 2016. POMOHLA BY MALÁ VOLEBNÍ REFORMA?

88%
Kerekeš D., Pink M., Šedo J.
Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2019
|
vol. 51
|
issue 1
64 – 83
EN
The article estimates seat distribution between political parties in Slovakia’s Parliament using the most recent electoral outcomes and varying a constituency magnitude and a seat distribution formula. The goal of the article is to discuss introducing possible minor reforms of the electoral system with the aim to eliminate party system fragmentation and to reinforce governing efficiency. Consideration is given to the historical evolution of the electoral system and past amendment proposals. Results demonstrate that minor electoral reform would not by itself lead to the desired changes in the party system. In an endeavour to reduce the number of political parties in the Parliament, a change of at least two aspects of the electoral systems would be necessary – seat distribution formula and constituency magnitude.
7
Content available remote

VYBORY JAK INSTRUMENT PERECHODU DO DEMOKRATYJI V ČESIJ RESPUBLYCY

88%
Holechek R.
Annales Scientia Politica
|
2018
|
vol. 7
|
issue 1
60 – 67
EN
This article is devoted to the topic of the analysis of the electoral system in the Czech Republic. Despite that initially, there have been such rules in the electoral law that complied with international election process standards of organising and conducting democratic elections, there are several drawbacks in it. It concerns, first of all, the formula of transferring electors’ votes into deputy’s seats. Such a situation stimulates the Czech political elite to the discussion regarding the search for optimal election system model.
8
Content available remote

VOĽBY 2016 V KOŠICIACH: PRIESTOROVÁ ANALÝZA

88%
Kerekes D.
Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2018
|
vol. 50
|
issue 1
31 – 56
EN
The goal of the article is to describe spatial patterns of the 2016 general election voting support on the administrative territory of the city of Košice. The analysis contains parties that exceeded 0.05 thresholds at the national level. The description identifies each party’s territory of voting support, territory of stable voting support (2010 – 2016), and spatial variance. The explanation is based on compositional approach using the Lipset-Rokkan model. The only core-periphery cleavage is markedly present in voting behaviour of Kosice inhabitants. The analysis also shows distinctions in voting support among different parts of the city.
9
Content available remote

CIVIC PARTICIPATION: TRENDS, PROBLEMS AND CONTEXTS (Obcianska participacia: trendy, problemy, suvislosti)

88%
Butorova Z., Gyarfasova O.
Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2010
|
vol. 42
|
issue 5
447-491
EN
The article focuses on the development of civic participation in Slovakia after the fall of communism in 1989, emphasizing the context of the dominant political culture and the challenges of transition. The authors base their analysis on rich empirical material from representative sociological surveys conducted from 1994 to 2010. Examining trends in the degree of citizens' engagement in various forms of participation as well as the changes in their potential for future participation, the authors present an empirical typology of the modes of civic participation. They explore the overall and mean rates of participation amongst various socio-demographic and socio-economic groups, which allows them to illustrate the unequal distribution of civic participation in Slovak society. The analysis demonstrates that active citizenship is more frequent amongst individuals who have a stronger interest in politics, who generally are more trusting, and who identify more strongly both with the goals of deliberative democracy and the economic and political changes after 1989. Civic participation is more widespread among individuals associated with various types of voluntary organizations. In the last part of the article, the authors pay in particular attention to the trends and determinants of voter turnout after 1990.
10

SMRŤ CISÁRA ŽIGMUNDA LUXEMBURSKÉHO A NÁSTUP ALBRECHTA HABSBURSKÉHO NA UHORSKÝ TRÓN

88%
Dvořáková D.
|
2021
|
vol. 69
|
issue 1
27 – 47
EN
The paper deals with the circumstances of the death of the Emperor Sigismund of Luxembourg and the accession of Albert of Habsburg to the throne of Hungary. Albert based his claims to the Hungarian royal crown on his marriage with Sigismund’s daughter Elisabeth, the heiress of the Kingdom of Hungary. But the hereditary claims to the royal throne in the women’s branch did not apply in Hungary. In this case the new King was elected by the assembly. In spite of Sigismund’s last will, the election of Albert as a King of Hungary was uncertain because part of the aristocracy supported the Polish candidacy. Albert concealed Sigismund’s death and hastily organized an election assembly in Bratislava, which was attended only by supporters of the Habsburg duke. Therefore, a part of the aristocracy did not accept the election and the result was a civil war in the Kingdom of Hungary. The study deals also with the issue of the royal burial, the last resting place of Emperor Sigismund in Oradea as well with the later destruction of his grave.
11
Content available remote

ETABLOVANÉ STRANY V OBLEŽENÍ: REKONSTRUKCE ČESKÉHO STRANICKÉHO SYSTÉMU OD 2010

75%
Charvát J.
Annales Scientia Politica
|
2015
|
vol. 4
|
issue 2
19 – 32
EN
The paper deals with the question of party system change in the Czech Republic since the 2010 parliamentary elections. Although at least since the mid-1990s the Czech party system was considered to be one of the most stable party systems in the CEE countries, since the 2010 elections the Czech party system has been undergoing major transformation of its format and structure, mainly because of a drastic change of voter behaviour in the 2010 and 2013 parliamentary elections.
12

ČÍSLOVKOVÉ VÝRAZY AKO PROSTRIEDKY FORMOVANIA PREDVOLEBNÉHO DISKURZU V PROSTREDÍ SOCIÁLNEJ SIETE FACEBOOK

75%
Kolenčíková N.
Motus in verbo: časopis mladej vedeckej generácie
|
2018
|
vol. 7
|
issue 1
22 – 37
EN
The aim of the paper is to characterize basic features of the pre-election media discourse in social networks via pragma linguistic ideological bases and orientation on selected language components, means, and methods. Social networks are typically characterized by an environment with a persuasive impact on a recipient. In the research, the author complies with the basis of the discourse analysis and answers questions of the traditional linguistics with respect to the relation of language, its use, and the social world. The issue is analysed and interpreted with focus on a numeral as an independent word class that appears in the specific lingual as well as extra lingual context. The material base needed for scientific intent consists of texts published by individual Slovak political parties on Facebook social network before the Slovak parliamentary elections of 2016.
13
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Głosowanie jako nawyk w nowych demokracjach - przykład Polski

75%
Cześnik M., Żerkowska-Balas M.
Studia Socjologiczne
|
2011
|
issue 2(201)
109-122
PL
Wśród licznych teorii, mających wyjaśnić, dlaczego jedni ludzie głosują, a inni nie, jedna staje się coraz bardziej popularna. Jest to teoria mówiąca, że głosowanie jest nawykiem. Analizy empiryczne potwierdzające tę teorię dotyczą jednak wyłącznie zachodnich demokracji, można więc zadać pytanie: czy ta prawidłowość jest uniwersalna? W przypadku stabilnych demokracji głosowanie jest nawykiem wykształcanym stopniowo w procesie zaczynającym się w chwili, gdy obywatel może oddać głos po raz pierwszy. W nowych demokracjach sytuacja jest inna, jako że możemy wskazać moment początkowy (pierwsze demokratyczne wybory), który jest wspólny dla różnych wyborców i różnych kohort wiekowych. W tym artykule analizujemy głosowanie jako nawyk w nowych demokracjach, wykorzystując dane Polskiego Generalnego Studium Wyborczego. Stwierdzamy, że głosowanie w Polsce ma nawykowy aspekt: powtarzalność przyczynia się do powstania pewnego rodzaju nawyku, który ma nieredukowalny wpływ na uczestnictwo wyborcze. Stwierdzamy też, że nawyk głosowania wykształca się jednakowo we wszystkich kohortach wiekowych.
EN
Among the wide range of theories explaining why some people vote and others do not, one is recently gaining particular popularity. This is the theory of voting as a habit. The empirical evidence supporting this theory covers only Western democracies, so the following question might be asked: is this pattern universal? In case of old democracies, voting is a habit acquired gradually in a process which starts at the moment of the very first election in which one can cast the ballot. In new democracies the situation is different, as we can pinpoint the starting moment (first democratic election), which is the same for different voters and thus different age cohorts. In this paper we investigate voting as a habit in new democracies, using data from the Polish National Election Study. We find that voting in Poland has some habitual aspect; repeated voting brings about a (sort of) habit, which has an intrinsic, irreducible effect on voter turnout. We also find that habit of voting is formed likewise in all age cohorts.
14
Content available remote

FEAR, ANGER, HOPE, AND PRIDE: NEGATIVE AND POSITIVE EMOTIONS IN ELECTORAL BEHAVIOUR

75%
Saxonberg S., Frič P., Gyárfášová O.
Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2023
|
vol. 55
|
issue 2
153 – 176
EN
It is becoming increasingly clear that emotions play a crucial role in voting decisions. This is especially true when it comes to choosing populist parties. This article uses a unique dataset to analyse the interplay between emotions and support for various types of populist parties in Slovakia. It contributes to the discourse by testing the competing hypotheses on what kinds of emotions matter in a post-communist country with multiple types of populist parties. Our results show that although previous studies have tended to concentrate on emotions toward the political or economic situation, feelings toward political leaders actually have greater importance, at least in the Slovak, post-communist context. Our study also indicates that the types of emotions differ depending on whether the populist party has already been in power or not. Contrary to expectations, fear has played a more important role than anger and in general, emotions are more important for right wing and left wing populist parties than for non-populist or centrist populist parties.
15

ANTIIMIGRAČNÝ APEL ŠVAJČIARSKEJ ĽUDOVEJ STRANY

75%
Štefančík R.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2012
|
vol. 5
|
issue 2
30 – 43
EN
The treatise outlines the issue of immigration in the politics of Swiss People Party (SVP). It is argued, that immigration is one of the most important issues of actual SVP-policy. Accordingly this assumption the article seeks to answer the question of what tactics and methods of campaigning the party is using by presentation of this theme. At first it will be discussed the context of SVP´s change from mass to catchall-party, at second it will be presented its anti-immigrant positions in the last ten years.
16

VOLEBNÍ SYSTÉMY VE SVĚTĚ

75%
Krejčí O.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2008
|
vol. 1
|
issue 1
74 – 93
EN
The article, presenting a preparatory study for the author´s New Book about Elections, has set two major objectives: to map current electoral systems and methods used in the early 21st century during the parliamentary elections and to identify the system preferred by most democratic countries of today. To describe electoral approaches, the author particularly uses the latest research results of the Swedish International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Support, specifically its classification into twelve methods within the four „families of electoral systems“ – the majority rule, proportional representation, mixed system and others. The study implies that political parties and power elites prefer the electoral system which they consider most advantageous for them with regard to their current position and popularity with voters. According to the studies by John Colomer, the „micro-mega“ rule holds here – while large parties tend to prefer small representative bodies and small constituencies with a small number of mandates, small parties tend to prefer large assemblies and large constituencies with a large number of mandates. When an old electoral system is replaced by a new one, this change tends to lead to less risky formulae: from indirect elections to direct voting, from a unanimous vote to majority rules, from majority rules to mixed systems and proportional representation – in other words, to larger representative bodies, districts and quotas. However, it is important to take into account a tendency towards „institutional self-reproduction“ – the change of rules is carried out by those who have been elected. The article concludes with a thesis that the fundamental compromise in the world tends towards the implementation of the system of proportional representation with a quorum for entry into representative bodies – which should ensure both relative reliability in reflecting the general public´s views and the stability of the government. This is also the road to the convergence of national voting systems for the elections to the European Parliament.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.