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EN
The ongoing EU–Turkey accession negotiations are probably the most complex talks related to the enlargement process in the EU’s history. Although they were initiated in 2005, so far both sides have managed to provisionally close only one out of 35 negotiation chapters. What’s more, the bilateral relations between the EU and Turkey are growing more and more tense. The most recent developments only prove that the talks may grind to a halt. It seems that both sides are tired of the endless negotiations and unexpected events, like the 2016 coup d’état in Turkey. The main aim of this article is to analyse the current political developments related to EU–Turkey negotiations in detail and find answers to two research questions. Will Turkey and the European Union face a diplomatic failure? What are the potential short-term scenarios?
EN
Migration is a very important socio-economic issue in the contemporary world. One of the interesting research problems worth considering concerns the scale and consequences of migration from the countries which joined the European Union in 2004 and in the later years. As a result of integration with European communities, citizens of the new member states acquired citizenship of the European Union. The right of free movement caused a significant increase in the number of temporary migrants. According to statistical data, the number of emigrants from the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEE) to the more prosperous European countries increased from 1.7 million in 2004 to 5.6 million in 2012. In the context of the scale of economic migration from the CEE, important questions should be asked about the economic consequences of the mobility. The main objective of this article is a diagnosis and evaluation of the size of migration and remittances in the CEE countries. An analysis of the statistical data from Eurostat concerning the transfer of financial means due to working abroad made it possible to assess the economic consequences of labour migrations of the CEE-10 inhabitants. It turned out that, as regards the amount of those transfers, the biggest beneficiaries are Poland, Romania and Hungary. Throughout the period under analysis (2004–2013) Poland saw a joint inflow of EUR 44.8 bn, Romania – EUR 31.9 bn, and Hungary – EUR 15 bn due to their citizens working abroad.
EN
The presence of an extensive number of Polish immigrants in Ireland has a short history, which began after Poland’s accession to the EU. Therefore, the organizations that have been set up since 2004 were to a high degree built up with no or little impact of the existing tradition of immigrant structures and institutions. This makes Ireland a specific laboratory for testing a new model of immigrants’ organization of the 21st century. The article aims to describe the development of Polish immigrant organizations in Ireland and to present their characteristics, including their goals, activities, the role of new media and technology, as well as the patterns of participation and communication. The detailed presentation of these characteristics and case studies serves the goal of answering the question: if and to what extent “young” Polish immigrant organizations in Ireland can be seen as the forerunners of a new model of immigrants’ organization of the 21st century.
EN
Acceptance of Poland to the cluster of countries forming the European Union contributed, first of all in the formal sphere, to certain changes in Polish-Ukrainian intercourse. About the beginning of the collaboration of Poland with Ukraine one can speak from the moment of announcing results of the referendum in December 1991 when the Ukrainian society supported separation from the USSR. It is necessary to underline that on the 2nd December 1991 Poland as the first state in the world acknowledged the independence of Ukraine. It was meaningful for the Polish minority in Ukraine and Ukrainians in Poland. The enlargement of the EU on the 1st May 2004 meant for Ukraine, first of all, sealing the border with Poland. European Commission in the co-ordination with Kiev prepared the plan of action of the Union “policy of the neighbourhood”, but Ukraine awaited the better offer, comparable with the offer given to the states created after the division of Yugoslavia which (like Croatia) has a real perspective of the EU accession. In The West nobody doubted the European character of Ukraine. Nevertheless, this state is too large and too weakly developed politically and economically so that the Union, which at that time tackled with own problems, could integrate with Ukraine easily. Poland became here a specific buffer and over time, a mediator between Ukraine and the European Union.
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2021
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vol. 8
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issue 55
126-143
EN
The paper analyses the economic implications of the accession of New Member States (NMS) to the European Union (EU) in 2004 and 2007. The estimation effects of integration with the EU were carried out as a comparative case study using the synthetic control method (SCM) proposed by Abadie and Gardeazabal. Compared to previous studies analysing the effects of accession to the EU (Campos, Coricelli and Moretti), we check for the importance of the quality of economic institutions for the matching process of the analysed economies with their comparators. The results of the econometric analysis show a positive impact on the country performance 6 years and 12 years after accession to the EU. The gains from accession are large but not universal. For 5 of the 10 analysed countries the difference in levels of per capita gross domestic product (GDP) against the counterfactual is at least 30%.
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2023
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vol. 11
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issue 58
79-96
EN
EU enlargements have given new EU member states access to the European Single Market. While tariff liberalisation was already completed at the time of enlargement, technical regulations were subject to different sectoral approaches, including harmonisation and mutual recognition. We employ a structural gravity model estimated using sectoral trade data from 1987 to 2020 to assess the trade effects of these measures. We find that trade expansion, particularly exports of the NMS to the incumbent EU members, has been stronger in the sectors covered either by the Old Approach (full harmonisation) or the New Approach (essential requirements) than in sectors covered by mutual recognition. The New Approach has been more effective when coupled with mutual recognition at the sector level than with either approach alone. Our results imply that the TBT harmonisation has had a heterogenous impact on different sectors (the most important for low-tech industries was the Old Approach, while for high-tech, it was the New Approach).
EN
The article is an attempt of showing how the global economic crisis has influenced the Icelanders attitude towards the European Union membership. The possible consequences of the accession for Iceland and the European Union as well are also presented. It was untill 2008 that the Icelanders had not considered the matter of European Union membership, the more so the prospect of adopting the euro. It turns out that the global economic crisis, which affected the Icelandic economy really badly, changed the goverment's and Icelandic society attitude towards integration with European Union to a large extent. In July 2009 Iceland officialy applied for the membership in the European Union. However, it turned out quickly that the fears about securing the crucial sectors of Icelandic economy in the future accession treaty are beginning to dominate.
EN
The EU integration process contributes to influence the ongoing institutional changes in the Western Balkans. At the same time, the incremental inflow of Chinese capital in the region that followed the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative is progressively reshaping power relations there. This article sheds light on the interaction between these two processes, discussing whether the increasing inflow of resources may gradually erode EU conditionality and hinder the overall integration process. To do so, the authors draw on an extensive review of academic and policy documents and on selected expert interviews, upon which they compare the actions of the EU and China in the region.
EN
Austrian national identity fundamentally emerged only in the twentieth century, particularly after the Second World War, although before its onset there were already some symptoms pointing to such a possibility. However, it was the shock of the war that ultimately led to a desire on the part of Austrians to emphasize their distinctiveness from Germany and this became manifest in several aspects. The hypothesis of the article is that through political measures including the status of permanent neutrality adopted by Austria in 1955, it became possible for this country to strengthen its national identity. Linguistic differences, marked by the Austrian variation of German, which is a polycentric language, only reinforced Austrian distinctiveness from Germany. Nowadays, the questioning of this specificity hardly ever takes place. The purpose of this paper is to point out the importance of, above all, linguistic distinctiveness as something that acquired particular significance in negotiations related to Austria’s accession to the European Union. Protocol No. 10 became an annex to the Treaty of Accession, which additionally emphasized Austria’s distinctiveness.
EN
The article deals with the problems of European integration. The Eurosceptic moods of the EU concerning the European integration of Ukraine are researched. The polls on European citizens’ opinion concerning enlargement are investigated. The interviews of European leaders concerning the enlargement are analyzed.
11
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Economic consequences of Croatian EU Accession

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EN
The purpose of this paper is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the Croatian economy and discover how it might be affected by the EU Accession of 2013. The paper describes Croatian integration path in the last decades and reviews the country’s main economic indicators and foreign trade. Moreover, it focuses on the economic changes related to the EU accession. We show that the EU accession will most likely be beneficial for the Croatian economy. With regard to the accession, adaptability of Croatian agriculture sector and privatization of state owned companies are identified as vulnerable points. One way or another, the EU accession of such small economy as Croatia is not going to have any substantial impacts on the EU economy as such.
EN
October 2015 marked the tenth anniversary of the official onset of the accession negotiations between Turkey and the European Union. The outcome of the talks, however, has so far been more than modest. The negotiations have encompassed fourteen out of 35 fields, leading to the closure, albeit only preliminary, of only one field. Croatia started negotiations in the same year and has been EU member state for two years now. In the Turkish case, the end of the talks is nowhere to be seen, and the more time goes by the less likely it seems for Turkey to become a legitimate participant of a European integration process. The EU Commission continues to present a number of reservations as concerns the progress of Turkey on its path to accession. The aim of this paper is to attempt to find an answer to the question whether the catalogue of reservations brought up by the EU Commission in terms of the political criteria to be met by Turkey has changed after the nine years of negotiations. By this token it will become possible to determine the progress Turkey has made as concerns those political criteria, both quantitatively and qualitatively.
EN
At its 30th anniversary, the Maastricht Treaty remains a milestone in the history and practice of the European Union. This referring to the adhesion process, since the set of conditions that a country must accomplish have been settled and derived by the treaty, but also for the fact that now, after 20 years of entering in force, the Euro, the Union currency, has performed and faced different consecutive challenges, thus becoming observable concerning it effects and role, and as a consequence, its theoretical and practical validity. But there is yet a vast area, in the center of Europe, that is still dragging on its calvary of adhesion, that of the Western Balkans. At this point, considering the processes that the countries of this area have been going through, by pursuing the adhesion path, the analysis of the dominating factors that have determined the trajectory of their EU membership, becomes essential. The paper questions and analyses the validity of the Maastricht Treaty and subsequent criteria for the adhesion of the Western Balkan countries, as well as highlights on the ‘ad-hoc’ criteria and evaluations often applied during the process and their consequences in terms of the attitudes of the Balkan populations and their determination toward the EU and the Western Balkans adhesion.
EN
The article aims to present the results of research into changes in the international competitive position of the European Union Member States in the period 2004-2015 on the basis of analysing the development of particular types of intra-industry trade (IIT) of manufactured goods. The investigation was based on the IIT share measurement methodology (Grubel, Lloyd 1975) and calculations of types of intra-industry trade (Greenaway, Hine, Milner 1994, 1995). Multilateral IIT indices were computed at the 6-digit CN code level on the basis of data published by Eurostat. As part of a larger research project funded by the National Science Centre, this analysis contributes to the assessment of the degree of intra-industry specialisation of the EU Member States and the resulting changes in the international competitive position of the economies covered. (original abstract)
EN
The initial assumptions that foreign capital, know-how and experience would contribute to the development of the East Central European media in terms of their content, quality and profession- alism only in a positive way were found to be wrong. Five years afer Eastern and Central European countries “achieved” membership to the European Union, the unfortunate characteristics of East Cen- tral Europe’s media have, interalia, been devaluation of quality journalism, homogenization of media content, standardization of media content, uncritical reporting and commercialization/tabloidization. Private media’s desire is to achieve commercial success and to have the largest audience possible. In large part, hunting for this public audience has been accomplished by providing it with imported low-quality programming, sensationalist stories, talk and reality shows and so on (broadcast media). In other words, foreign investors are pushing their own agenda on consumers by importing serials, soap-operas and talk-shows. As for print media, homogenization (internationalization/europeization) of the business model has resulted in so-called carbon copies or clones of the Western publications (for instance: tabloids Fakt, Blikk or Blask). At the end of the day, it must be acknowledged that this all infl uences the overall quality of journal- ism. Indeed, efforts are concentrated at making profi ts at the expense of quality. Furthermore, com- mitments to ethical standards, which would be regarded as a minimum requirement in the home country, are frequently neglected in the host country. Th is paper will draw attention to the impact of foreign investment into the press and broadcasting on media performance in the East Central Europe’s region fi ve years after the EU enlargement. Ultimately, it will demonstrate how foreign investors are dulling public awareness – “dumbing down” to make profit.
PL
W artykule podejmujemy próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy członkostwo w Unii Europejskiej przyczyniło się do przyspieszenia tempa wzrostu gospodarczego 11 krajów Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej (EŚW-11), w tym – ich realnej konwergencji do poziomu rozwoju krajów Europy Zachodniej (UE-15). W pierwszej części badania dokonujemy weryfikacji hipotezy zbieżności ścieżek rozwojowych krajów EŚW-11 w stosunku do UE-15. Nasze ustalenia wskazują, że członkostwo w UE istotnie przyczyniło się do przyspieszenia tempa wzrostu gospodarczego krajów EŚW-11. Kraje te wykazywały wyraźną zbieżność poziomu dochodów w stosunku do UE-15. Proces konwergencji nabrał przyspieszenia po rozszerzeniu UE, jednak wyniki poszczególnych krajów w tym zakresie były dość zróżnicowane, częściowo wskutek globalnego kryzysu finansowego. W drugiej części badania przeprowadzamy ekonometryczną analizę czynników wzrostu gospodarczego w celu oceny wpływu zmiennych związanych z członkostwem w UE na dynamikę PKB krajów EŚW-11.
EN
In this article, we try to answer the question of whether the membership in the European Union contributed to the acceleration of economic growth of the 11 Central and Eastern European countries (CEE-11), including their real convergence to the development level of Western Europe (EU-15). In the first part of the study, we verify the hypothesis on the existence of convergence of GDP growth paths of the CEE-11 economies toward the EU-15. Our findings show that EU membership contributed significantly to the acceleration of economic growth of the CEE-11 countries. These countries exhibited a clear-cut catching-up process in income levels toward the EU-15. The convergence accelerated after EU enlargement but the results of individual countries were differentiated, partly as a result of the global financial crisis. In the second part of the research, we conduct an econometric analysis of the economic growth factors in order to assess the impact of the variables related with EU membership on GDP growth of the CEE-11 countries.
EN
Zakończenie zimnej wojny zaowocowało bezprecedensową sytuacją geopolityczną w Europie, stanowiącą wyzwanie dla bezpieczeństwa na kontynencie i dla dotychczasowej integracji europejskiej. Jedynym rozwiązaniem tego geopolitycznego problemu była integracja postkomunistycznych krajów Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej (EŚW) z Unią Europejską (UE). Kraje EŚW musiały więc przejść głębokie reformy społeczno-gospodarcze, jednocześnie realizując nowy program polityki zagranicznej z dala od orbity Rosji. UE była postrzegana jako rozwiązanie na wszystkie istniejące problemy. Zaprezentowane w niniejszym artykule badania, przeprowadzone w Bułgarii, wskazują, że przygotowanie do spełnienia kryteriów członkostwa, które z pozoru odpowiadały celom transformacji, zastąpiło odpowiednią reformę strukturalną. Tym samym przystąpienie do UE, zamiast być instrumentem osiągania trwałych, długoterminowych celów, stało się celem samym w sobie, jak gdyby miało być międzynarodowym potwierdzeniem udanej transformacji. Spowodowało to w efekcie, że przeprowadzone reformy stały się formalnością, były częściowe i powierzchowne, a co za tym idzie odwracalne. W wyniku następuje pogorszenie rządów prawa i obserwujemy fasadową demokrację.
EN
The end of the Cold War resulted in an unprecedented geopolitical situation in Europe, presenting a challenge to the security in the continent and the integration achieved so far. The only solution to this geopolitical problem was the integration of the post-communist Central and Eastern European countries (CEE) into the European Union (EU). The CEE countries therefore had to undergo deep societal reforms, while simultaneously pursuing a new foreign policy agenda away from the orbits of Russia. The EU was perceived as a solution to all existing problems. The results of the research conducted in Bulgaria, presented in this article, demonstrate that preparation for meeting the membership criteria which on the surface seemed to correspond to the aims of the transition, substituted the due structural reform. Thus, the EU accession instead of being an instrument for achieving sustainable long-term goals, became an end goal in itself, as if it would be an international testimony of a successful transition. The reforms carried out became a formality, were partial and superficial, and therefore reversible. As a result, the rule of law is deteriorating, and we can observe a facade democracy.
PL
Zakończenie zimnej wojny zaowocowało bezprecedensową sytuacją geopolityczną w Europie, stanowiącą wyzwanie dla bezpieczeństwa na kontynencie i dla dotychczasowej integracji europejskiej. Jedynym rozwiązaniem tego geopolitycznego problemu była integracja postkomunistycznych krajów Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej (EŚW) z Unią Europejską (UE). Kraje EŚW musiały więc przejść głębokie reformy społeczno-gospodarcze, jednocześnie realizując nowy program polityki zagranicznej z dala od orbity Rosji. UE była postrzegana jako rozwiązanie na wszystkie istniejące problemy. Zaprezentowane w niniejszym artykule badania, przeprowadzone w Bułgarii, wskazują, że przygotowanie do spełnienia kryteriów członkostwa, które z pozoru odpowiadały celom transformacji, zastąpiło odpowiednią reformę strukturalną. Tym samym przystąpienie do UE, zamiast być instrumentem osiągania trwałych, długoterminowych celów, stało się celem samym w sobie, jak gdyby miało być międzynarodowym potwierdzeniem udanej transformacji. Spowodowało to w efekcie, że przeprowadzone reformy stały się formalnością, były częściowe i powierzchowne, a co za tym idzie odwracalne. W wyniku następuje pogorszenie rządów prawa, i obserwujemy fasadową demokrację.
PL
Rozszerzenie Unii Europejskiej w kierunku Bałkanów pozostaje procesem niedokończonym. Szanse na członkostwo mają Serbia, Czarnogóra, Albania, Północna Macedonia, być może także Bośnia i Hercegowina oraz Kosowo. Aby mogło do tego dojść, muszą one jednak sprostać określonym wyzwaniom. Rok 2018 będzie być może w przyszłości określany jako przełom, gdyż po wielu latach Bruksela powróciła do spotkań na szczycie z państwami regionu, przedstawiając nową agendę integracyjną i perspektywę członkostwa w UE Serbii i Czarnogóry w 2025 r. Wydaje się, że jest to ostatni moment na włączenie tych państw w orbitę zainteresowań Unii, tym bardziej że inni gracze (Chiny, Rosja, Turcja) także angażują się w tej części kontynentu.
EN
The enlargement of the European Union towards the Western Balkans remains an unfi - nished process. Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Northern Macedonia, perhaps also Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, have perspective for membership. For this to happen, however, they must meet specifi c challenges. The 2018 will perhaps be referred to as a breakthrough since after many years Brussels has returned to summit meetings with the countries of the Western Balkan region and it has been presenting a new integration agenda and the prospect of EU membership of Serbia and Montenegro in 2025. This seems to be the last moment to include these countries, which are in the orbit of the Union’s interests. This is even more important for the EU as other players (China, Russia, Turkey) are also involved in this part of the continent.
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