Search results

1

Recalibrating the Eastern Partnership: Pressure for a More Relevant Policy

100%

Kaca E., Sobják A.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

|

2014

|

issue 4

53-73

EN

If the fifth anniversary of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) did not inspire reflection on its future, then the crisis and war in Ukraine did. Hence, a new Commissioner together with the new High Representative are now working on a strategic revisiting of the EU’s goals in its eastern neighbourhood. In order to prevent a major departure from the original concept of the policy, yet at the same time make it more responsive to the current needs of the region, there are a set of key areas which the EU should focus on in streamlining its efforts through the EaP.

2

Stanowisko Parlamentu Europejskiego wobec Partnerstwa Wschodniego

87%

Staszczyk A.

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

|

2015

|

issue 9

229-240

EN

This paper presents the attitude of the European Parliament to those issues that fall within the scope of interest of the Eastern Partnership. In the analysis of this attitude, the author stresses the significant role the EP has played in developing EU Eastern policy, in particular as concerns the promotion of democratic ideas and values within the scope of this policy. It should be emphasised that the EP is exceptionally interested in the advancement of democracy in East European partner countries, whose geopolitical significance the EP appreciates, frequently calling for the tightening of relations with these countries, and even opening European prospects to them. The deepening of cooperation between the EU and East European countries is conditioned by the EP by their adoption of what is called European values (i.e. democracy, rule of law, protection of human rights, etc.). Acting as the ‘guard of democracy,’ the EP is an institution of political influence which allows it to shape Eastern policy in ways that go beyond the formal rights vested in it by the treaties.

3

Wpływ polskiej dyplomacji na kształtowanie i realizacj polityki wschodniej UE

80%

Barburska O.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2013

|

issue 4

s.49-70

EN

The article analyses the role played by the Polish diplomacy in the process of developing and implementing the eastern policy of the European Union. Following a presentation of the relevant definition of this policy, as well as its main aims, the geographical and time framework, the author discusses the essential historical determinants that condition its present shape. This has been shown against the background of broader instruments of EU foreign policy, first of all the European Neighbourhood Policy. The EU Eastern Policy is one of the two essential components of the ENP, further divided into strategic partnership with Russia and a new instrument, the Eastern Partnership. The aims, instruments and principles of the latter have been discussed in more detail. The primary topic of the article, however, emphasises the role of Polish diplomacy, for which active participation in the development and implementation of the EU Eastern Policy is one of the key elements securing Poland’s national interests. In this context the author has shown the main Polish political and diplomatic initiatives and undertakings, especially the initiative of establishing the Eastern Partnership. The article ends with a brief attempt to evaluate the achievements and shortcomings in this regard, as well as to out¬line some forecasts.

4

FOLLOWING CONTINUITY AND CHANGE: ITALY’S VIEW ON EUROPEAN NEIGHBORHOOD POLICY TOWARDS UKRAINE

80%

Vdovychenko V.

Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки

|

2017

|

issue 26

EN

Current EU economic and security challenges on the territory of the EU’s ‘ring of friends’ open a new page of its history influencing European security and stability framework of development. Therefore, it’s crucial to understand circumstances that favored to the catalyst progress of unstable neighborhoods. The article presents an analysis of the Italy’s position towards European Neighborhood Policy and the Eastern dimension of this policy – Eastern Partnership. A special interest is focus on its view towards Ukraine, being a reality-check for the European Union officials after the Revolution of Dignity, the illegal annexation of Crimea and the hybrid war of Russia. This article is presenting the ideas that ENP was created by the EU as an instrument for the democratization which couldn’t prevent conflicts in the geopolitically diverse regions. Italy, being one of the founding members of the European Union, was reluctant advocate a balanced approach towards the neighborhood regions. It merely focused on the Southern dimension of the ENP, almost taking apart Eastern Partnership. In the first part, the article demonstrates the development process of the ENP with a special attention that it coincided with the EU 5th enlargement preparation. This dualism influenced on the ENP tailoring and subsequent implementation. The second part focuses on the of the Italy’s opinion development from ENP launch till 2009 when its Eastern dimension - Eastern Partnership – was introduced. The third part analyzes Italy’s perception of Eastern Partnership and its attempts to reschedule EU’s attention to the South flank of the ENP in the post-Crimea annexation period.

5

EUROPEAN UNION AND BELARUS: A NEED FOR MORE PRAGMATIC APPROACH?

80%

Zubkou A.

Czech Journal of Social Sciences, Business and Economics

|

2012

|

vol. 1

|

issue 1

34-46

EN

This paper aims to assess limits of the European Union's ability to prompt the process of reforms in Belarus as a function of the conditionality approach's effectiveness. The Republic of Belarus stands out among other EU neighboring countries and represents a certain dilemma for the European Union. The EU's commitment to democratic values determined that the Union's policy towards Belarus has been mostly based on the principle of political conditionality. In the light of the present state of relations, the recent experience of political rapprochement during 2008-2010 should be interpreted rather in context of a number of external factors which shifted the EU's policy towards Belarus to a more pragmatic approach.

6

Intensyfikacja stosunków niemiecko-ukraińskich w okresie od Szczytu Partnerstwa Wschodniego w Wilnie do „rewolucji godności"

80%

Szubart K.

Wschodnioznawstwo

|

2016

|

issue 10

315-327

EN

The purpose of the paper is to show the most important dimensions which shaped the German-Ukrainian relations in the years 2013-2014. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, the German-Ukrainian relations were strongly determined the German-Russian relations which were being seemed as a crucial cornerstone of the German foreign and security policy toward Eastern Europe in the 1990s and the early 2000s. The first signal for Germany to redefine its approach toward Russian Federation and other former Soviet republics was the 2008 Russo-Georgian War. However, a breaking moment was & nally brought by the 2013 Eastern Partnership Summit in the Lithuanian capital city, Vilnius, where Ukraine unlikely decided to deny the ability to sign the EU association agreement. Afterwards, Ukraine and its nation faced one of the most dramatic moments in the whole Ukrainian history, when President Viktor Yanukovych and his government were removed from their post by protestors and parliament due to street riots in Kiev in February 2014. In March 2014, the Crimean Peninsula was seized by Russian troops and was carried out the referendum in order to join Crimea to Russian Federation. Since the 2013 Eastern Partnership in Vilnius, the German diplomacy has taken steps to intensify bilateral ties with the new government in Kiev in order to interrupt one of the most danger security crisis in Europe since the bloody dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

7

Eastern Partnership and the Preferences of New EU Member States

80%

Mišík M.

Polish Political Science Review. Polski Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2013

|

vol. 1

33-48

EN

This paper tries to shed some light on factors influencing the positions of the new member states of the EU on Eastern Partnership in its initial phase. It utilises an analytical approach developed by Copsey and Haughton (2009) and argues that the two most important factors affecting positioning of newcomers towards the initiative are: perceived size and geography. While the new members were especially keen to support their immediate neighbours, they were using a common policy towards these countries to increase their presence and influence in the region since the initiative helped them to deal with neighbourhood issues they were not able to solve on their own. The paper suggests an amendment to the theoretical approach and proposes an assumption explaining positioning of the member states towards the third countries that better reflect the empirical evidence than the original framework. Moreover, the research showed that Poland differed from the rest of the new EU countries, was much more active and influential and rather resembled the old members. However, due to its not very positive image (caused by its assertive approach and strong effort to play a prominent role within the EU) its influence within the EU was limited and, therefore it proposed the Eastern Partnership together with Sweden that held a much better image.

8

Partnership for Stability: How to Connect the Strategic Futures of Central Europe and the EaP

80%

Ondrejcsák R.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

|

2014

|

issue 4

121-140

EN

There are currently three strategically different zones in Central and Eastern Europe. The first comprises Central European NATO member countries, the second is made up of Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia (between NATO and Russia), and third is Russia itself. The crucial changes after the Russian invasion of Ukraine are the termination of connections between the first and third groups, as well as between the second and third groups, and deepening connections between the first and second groups. As Central Europe belongs to the same security complex as Ukraine, and because Central European security cannot be divided from Ukrainian security, it is desirable to link Ukraine and Central Europe to the same strategic structures. We need to provide an additional perspective and bring the Eastern European partners strategically closer to Central European and European security. We need a regional version of Partnership for Peace, a Partnership for Stability (PfS). This paper analyses the determining factors, challenges and opportunities of this concept.

9

Stosunki białorusko-ukraińskie w kontekście Partnerstwa Wschodniego. Impas czy intensyfikacja współpracy?

80%

Prokop M., Brin P.

Historia i Polityka

|

2019

|

issue 27 (34)

115-130

EN

The article contains an analysis of the current aspects related to the Belarus and Ukraine cooperation under the EU Eastern Partnership. The timeframe covers a period of 2009–2012, starting from the 2009 Summit in Prague. It is also important to mention some earlier aspects having a great impact on the discussed issues in the legal, political, and economic context.

10

Partnerstwo Wschodnie – osiągnięcia i wyzwania po czterech latach współpracy

80%

Borucińska-Dereszkiewicz I.

Marketing i Rynek

|

2014

|

vol. 21

|

issue 2

11-20

PL

Partnerstwo Wschodnie stanowi pierwszą koncepcję polityki Unii Europejskiej wobec regionu Europy Wschodniej i Kaukazu Południowego. Podjęta próba oceny dotyczyła postępów w realizacji celów Partnerstwa Wschodniego w kontekście efektywności unijnej polityki. Po czterech latach funkcjonowania inicjatywy nie może być ona ani pełna ani jednoznaczna ze względu na krótki okres, mnogość determinantów, w tym rozproszenie unijnego wpływu na kraje partnerskie, oraz procesowy charakter transformacji systemowej i integracji europejskie. Efekty polityki w ramach Partnerstwa Wschodniego generalnie są umiarkowane, jednakże można zaobserwować intensyfikację działań zarówno ze strony Unii jak i krajów partnerskich w procesie ich europeizacji. Relatywnie największe osiągnięcia można wskazać w odniesieniu do współpracy gospodarczej i przepływu osób. W układzie bilateralnym względnie największe postępy w dążeniu do celów Partnerstwa Wschodniego ujawniły się w Mołdawii i Gruzji, następnie w pewnych aspektach na Ukrainie, w Armenii i Azerbejdżanie. Nieskuteczność zasad warunkowości i współwłasności najwyraźniej dostrzegalna była w przypadku Białorusi, która w minimalnym stopniu reagowała na unijną politykę. Na Ukrainie można zaobserwować spowolnienie tempa współpracy i względnie najmniejsze postępy w europeizacji, mimo wykreowania najszerszych powiązań z Unią, a w przypadku Armenii może dojść do wyhamowania dynamiki integracji. Okres funkcjonowania Partnerstwa Wschodniego obnażył także poważne wyzwania w zakresie wzmocnienia oddziaływania Unii jako potęgi normatywnej oraz sprostania nasilającej się konkurencji o wpływy w regionie głównie ze strony Rosji.

EN

The Eastern Partnership is the first concept of the European Union's policy towards the region of Eastern Europe and the Southern Caucasus. This article provides an attempt to assess the progress in achieving the objectives of the Eastern Partnership in the context of the effectiveness of European Union policies. The evaluation of the results after four years of its functioning can be neither complete nor unequivocal due to the short period of time, many endogenous and exogenous determinants, included EU's diffused influence in the international environment, and the nature of the system transformation and European integration process. The results of Eastern Partnership are generally moderate, but can be observed intensification in the Europeanization process. Relatively greatest achievements may be indicated in economic integration and migration. Moldova and Georgia achieved the major progress towards the Eastern Partnership goals, and then in some aspects Ukraine, Armenia and Azerbaijan. The ineffectiveness of the conditionality and joint ownership rules were clearly visible in the case of Belarus, which minimally reacted to the European Union policy. Four years of the Eastern Partnership also revealed the weakness of European Union impact, as a normative power – it is Ukraine, where it can be observed slowdown in cooperation and the Europeanization process. Failure to sign an Association Agreement with Armenia may lead to deep slowdown in integration. Period of the Eastern Partnership also has exposed serious challenges in strengthening the impact of the EU as a normative power and meet the growing competition for influence in the region, mainly from Russia.

11

Wspólna polityka zagraniczna UE. Iluzja czy rzeczywistość? (w kontekście polityki wschodniej)

80%

Grupa R.

Prosopon. Europejskie Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne

|

2011

|

issue 1(1)

183-189

EN

This article presents the common foreign policy in the context of the European Union's Eastern policy. The EU enlargement to the East contributed to changes in the geopolitical system in this part of the continent and, therefore, changed the way of cooperation be- tween these countries. It shows that the neighbourhood policy has become a tool for strengthening international cooperation and with the help of economic and political and financial support, one can see the changes that occur in the countries of Eastern Europe.

12

Conflicting Narratives? Geopolitical and Normative Power Narratives in the EU Eastern Partnership

80%

Crombois J. F.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

|

2017

|

issue 49

109-125

EN

Since its inception, the EU’s Eastern Partnership has given rise to two seemingly conflicting narratives. The first one, the normative power narrative emphasizes the use of norms expansion as the main objectives of the European Union vis‑à‑vis its Eastern Partners. The second narrative, i.e. the geopolitical one, emphasizes the need for the EU to develop a geopolitical orientation in its relations with its Eastern neighbours based on interests rather than values. This paper will look at these two narratives, how they originated and how they developed in the EU discourses related to the making of EU foreign policy and more particularly as far as the EU’s Eastern Partnership is concerned.

13

Public Diplomacy of the Republic of Poland in Eastern Partnership Countries

80%

Bogorodetska O.

Historia i Polityka

|

2018

|

issue 24 (31)

99-111

EN

The aim of the current article is to examine the main peculiarities of public diplomacy of Poland in Eastern Partnership countries. The main fields of Polish public diplomacy realization in those countries, among which are the promotion of democracy values, informational propaganda, cultural and science diplomacy, sustention of Polish diaspora, will be analyzed. The article outlines the level of Poland’s promotion and branding activities in the framework of multilateral cooperation. The most important projects, initiatives and educational programs that represent Polish culture and traditions in Eastern Partnership countries will be examined. The research will show which of the Eastern Partnership countries are highly or less involved in the programs of Polish public diplomacy realization.

14

Alternatywne połączenia logistyczne między Polską i państwami Partnerstwa Wschodniego

80%

Butyter D.

Studenckie Prace Prawnicze, Administratywistyczne i Ekonomiczne

|

2016

|

vol. 19

39-51

EN

Transport services market is one of the key elements of the economy of each country. Through the transport market the access to factors of production for enterprises is provided and by its mediation products are delivered to consumers. The correctness of functioning of the market determines the efficiency of the whole economic system of the country. For each Eastern Partnership country the EU is the main trade partner. Poland as one of the member states of the European Union is closely cooperating with the Eastern Partnership countries and the key to the development of this cooperation is the insurance of the proper functioning of the transport market. The aim of the article is to present the current logistics connections between Poland and Eastern Partnership countries and problems of logistics connections and as well as alternative connections that create more favorable conditions for the cooperation.

15

Współpraca państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w publicystyce „Rzeczy Wspólnych” i „Nowej Konfederacji” (Cz. II)

80%

Siemiątkowski J.

Polish Journal of Political Science

|

2017

|

vol. 3

|

issue 4

103-123

EN

The aim of the article is to discuss the attitude of Polish republican circles to the issue of cooperation between countries in EastCentral Europe. The articles published in the “Rzeczy Wspólne” and “Nowa Konfederacja” magazines, which were published in 2010-2017, have been analyzed. The ideas of region integration have deep roots in Polish political thought. Their origins can be seen in the tradition of the old Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the concepts of Marshal Piłsudski. The ineffectiveness of the activities of the politicians of the Third Polish Republic in this field became the reason for criticism in republican articles. An important role in the analyzed visions was played by countries located outside the EU - Belarus and Ukraine, for geopolitical reasons considered as desirable allies. The slogan of deepening the integration of the Visegrad Group and strengthening the Eastern Partnership initiative was also popular. However, this cooperation was to take place between fully sovereign states.

16

THE EU’S EASTERN PARTNERSHIP IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS: USING GEORGIA AS A MODEL TO UNDERSTAND REFORMS AND SECURITY CHALLENGES

80%

Zasztowt K., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

|

2017

|

issue 2

PL

The main goal of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) is political and economic stabilization of the region threatened both by its post-Soviet systemic predicaments such as weakness of state institutions, the gap between the ruling oligarchy and citizens and corruption, and by Russia’s attempts to maintain or extend its sphere of influence, which involves fomenting separatist tendencies of minorities and promoting anti-EU narratives. Among the six EaP countries, Georgia is most advanced in implementing reforms; however, there is still immense work to be done, despite the EU’s economic and technical support. Another aspect of the EU’s involvement in the region is the security dilemma whether to accept Russia’s influence in the former Soviet republics together with authoritarian models of governing or to make efforts towards democratization of those countries, risking the increase of Russian hostility, an example of which could be seen in 2014 conflict with Ukraine.

17

The European Council and the European Union’s external activities. Forming relations with eastern neighbors

80%

Jańczak J.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2018

|

issue 1

63-72

EN

The modification process of the European Union’s institutional order appears to be permanent. One of the elements of this tendency is the position of the European Council, which is especially interesting in the field of stimulating external EU activities. The aim of this analysis is to explore the EC’s engagement in initiating foreign relations, taking the eastern neighborhood as an example. The paper reviews the European Council’s meetings in the period of 2008–2016, concluding that the EC actively responded to external challenges and created a political impetus for the actions of other institutions. The internal debate initiated by the member states from Central and Eastern Europe resulted in the formulation of the Eastern Partnership initiative that the European Council approved and adopted, giving it a political impetus within the European Union. This caused a specific reaction in the neighborhood. The process of association of some eastern partners was accompanied by the need to deal with the challenging response from Russia, which resorted, among other things, to military measures. The European Council’s involvement in external actions in the East became a self-deepening process with a changing profile and priorities.

18

Mechanisms Fostering Social Entrepreneurship as Potential Instruments for Economic Development: The Eastern Partnership Perspective

80%

Plotnieks D.

Baltic Journal of European Studies

|

2014

|

vol. 4

|

issue 2

34-49

EN

With its plan to assign 600 million euros through the European Neighbourhood Instrument for Eastern Partnership countries, the European Union intended to increase the efficiency of institutions, attenuate social problems, and create an environment that fosters economic growth and human well-being in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine. A few scholars have criticized the amount of funding and planned initiatives of the European Neighbourhood Instrument as insufficient and suggested that in order to foster cooperation and support reforms in its Eastern Partnership countries, more action should be taken. In times when European Commission budget is under constraints of consolidation and increase of aid for supporting European Neighbourhood countries is hardly possible, alternative solutions for tempering social problems need to be assessed. Various scientists, philanthropists and entrepreneurs see social entrepreneurship as a tool for solving social problems in a sustainable way where business thinking is being combined with non-profit philosophy. Contrary to government support and intervention for solving social problems, social entrepreneurship is already being used as tool that initially addresses joint needs--solve social problems and create revenue that provides much needed income for sustainable business initiatives. This paper analyzes the concept of social entrepreneurship, examples where social entrepreneurship is solving social problems, and mechanisms that can foster these phenomena. The aim of this paper is to examine different mechanisms of how governments can foster the creation and development of social entrepreneurship. Unique survey data derived from a project examining social entrepreneurship in Europe is used. It is concluded that by adopting mechanisms proven in various developed countries, the Eastern Partnership countries can stimulate social entrepreneurship, thus attenuating social problems and creating environment that fosters economic growth and the wellbeing of people

19

The Eastern Partnership and the EU-Turkey Energy Relations

80%

Demiryol T.

Baltic Journal of European Studies

|

2014

|

vol. 4

|

issue 2

50-68

EN

This article discusses the prospects and challenges of energy cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Turkey within the context of the Eastern Partnership (EaP). Part of the EaP agenda is to advance energy cooperation between the EU and the partner states, particularly regarding the diversification of import routes. As an energy corridor between the EU and the hydrocarbon-rich Caspian states, Turkey is a strategic asset for European energy security. Turkey also has economic ties and political capital in the Caspian region that can help the EU reach out to its eastern partners. Despite robust incentives for cooperation, however, the EU-Turkey energy partnership has so far failed to meet mutual expectations. This article argues that this is primarily due to the inability of the two actors to credibly commit to regional energy cooperation. Commitment problem stems from two factors. First, the predominance of national energy interests over communal ones undermines credible commitment. The variation in energy needs of Member States prevents the EU from acting in unison in external energy policy. Similarly, Turkey also prioritizes its own energy security, particularly in its relations with suppliers, which undermines cooperation with the EU. Second, the EU and Turkey hold divergent perspectives on the potential political payoffs of energy cooperation. Turkish decision makers are convinced that energy cooperation warrants palpable progress in Turkey’s accession while most EU actors appear hesitant to establish a direct connection between energy and accession.

20

Współpraca państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w publicystyce „Rzeczy Wspólnych” i „Nowej Konfederacji” (Cz. I)

80%

Siemiątkowski J.

Polish Journal of Political Science

|

2017

|

vol. 3

|

issue 3

29-53

EN

The aim of the article is to discuss the attitude of Polish republican circles to the issue of cooperation between countries in EastCentral Europe. The articles published in the “Rzeczy Wspólne” and “Nowa Konfederacja” magazines, which were published in 2010-2017, have been analyzed. The ideas of region integration have deep roots in Polish political thought. Their origins can be seen in the tradition of the old Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the concepts of Marshal Piłsudski. The ineffectiveness of the activities of the politicians of the Third Polish Republic in this field became the reason for criticism in republican articles. An important role in the analyzed visions was played by countries located outside the EU - Belarus and Ukraine, for geopolitical reasons considered as desirable allies. The slogan of deepening the integration of the Visegrad Group and strengthening the Eastern Partnership initiative was also popular. However, this cooperation was to take place between fully sovereign states.

Refine search results