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EN
An increasingly popular tendency can be observed in numerous states in Europe and globally, where modern forms of casting votes are implemented, including, first and foremost, electronic voting via the Internet or mobile telephones. In the opinion of ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) advocates modern civilization is facing an era of electronic democracy, which constitutes this new form of exercising power, based on information and communication tools. Estonia is a European leader in applying electronic voting for election procedures. The paper presents an analysis of Estonia’s experience in the field of e-voting in the elections of 2005–2009.
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EN
This article aims to analyse the fundamental determinants, main subjects and instruments of the Estonian ethnic policy. We will investigate the impact of the Estonian ethnic policy and the Russian Federation’s policy on the attitudes of the Russian-speaking minority in Estonia. We will also attempt to evaluate the efficiency of the Estonian ethnic policy and consider the way it influences the relations between individual ethnic and national groups.
EN
The following chapters analyse the background of Estonia’s decision to join the military operation of Afghanistan, its links to Estonian society and political elites, but also a possible influence of the Afghanistan experience on the post-ISAF NATO. This article argues that the Afghanistan experience has offered two basic lessons to be learned by Estonia in framing its understanding of crisis management: 1) Estonia’s military achieved valuable combat experience against a “live” enemy; 2) our political elites learned the importance of post-conflict state-building, that civil support to state-building in the post-conflict situation is no less important than a military contribution.
EN
This article aims at exploring the ways in which Estonian Public Broadcasting (ERR) tackles one specific media service sphere; how television programmes for Russian language minorities are created in a small country. For that task development of the whole Estonian media landscape must be overviewed. By referring to McQuail’s (2010) theoretical framework of media institutions’ influencers, this article investigates how media policy, economic conditions and technology have influenced these processes. The article gives an insight into the development of Russian language media in such a small media market as Estonia.
EN
The paper focuses on the problem of Russian-speaking minorities in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation on the example of Estonia as one of the Baltic states. The article contains the genesis and the concept of the policy of the Russian authorities towards these communities, and also discusses the issue of the presence, size of population and status of Russians in Estonia. The next section shows the dimensions of the cultural and the political use of Russian-speaking minority, and examples of such activities on the national and international level.
EN
An innovation-driven agenda in regional development policy has emerged in the European Union against the backdrop of peripheralisation, especially in Central and Eastern Europe. Using a discursive analytical framework, the article investigates the ways in which peripheralisation is manifested through language, practices and power-rationalities in Estonian innovation policy discourse. The analysis is footed on key strategic policy documents and semistructured expert interviews. Findings suggest that Estonian innovation policy’s main narrative of the ‘knowledge-based economy’ accepts growing disparities on sub-national level in order to overcome peripherality at European scale and narrows the range of policy solutions perceived as suitable.
EN
One of the most apparent signs of the crisis of the democratic system is a systematically decreasing turnout level in national and supranational elections and referenda. In reports and analyses concerning the level of political participation, experts more and more frequently notice a decreasing tendency of the citizen’s involvement in numerous types of elections. As Ola Pettersson points out, “according to the sources, less and less citizens appear at the ballot boxes”. Jacek Raciborski indicates that one of the most signifi cant consequences of the low citizen’s participation at the election procedures is the considerable legitimacy deficit. A number of countries attempt to prevent these phenomena from happening by undertaking various actions aimed at increasing the level of citizens’ involvement in political life (notably by increasing their participation in elections). That would infl uence the growth of the legitimacy level of the undertaken political decisions. It is worth noticing, that apart from the commonly used ways of increasing election attendance (such as correspondence voting, mobile ballot boxes), over the last few years politicians in many countries have had numerous discussions aimed at the implementation of electronic voting (e-voting). Its followers claim that thanks to e-voting, election and referenda turnout may be increased, as this method enables disabled people and people who are abroad to take part in elections. Furthermore, a considerable advantage of e voting, compared to traditional voting in polling stations is of greater convenience than the former. The aim of the following text is to attempt to provide an answer to the question whether electronic voting can be treated as a panacea for low election turnouts, whether this form of voting may be a warranty of a higher level of voter’s attendance than before. In the article, the author bases on the experience connected with e voting in two European countries – Estonia and Switzerland, which can be referred to as the pioneers in the use of e voting.
Mäetagused
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2011
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vol. 49
171-178
EN
Hare Krishna movement is a good example of the processes entailed by the formation of a new religious movement: formation of the followers of a charismatic leader, contradiction with the majority society, organisational problems caused by the death of the leader, overcoming the crisis and stabilisation of the movement. The article gives a review of the history of Krishnaits, arrival of the movement into the Soviet Union and the movement’s activity in Estonia.
EN
Debates about the democratic legitimacy of the European Union (EU) have been prevalent amongst scholars since its beginning. Students have analysed the legitimacy of the EU in terms of various normative criteria. But how is the EU legitimated in individual Member States and more so in an economic and sovereignty crisis when loyalties are particularly tested? The current study sheds light on it, scrutinising the conceptions associated with the EU in a country case of Estonia. Discourse analysis is used as a methodological tool to analyse the political discourse in printed media. The results indicate that the legitimation of the EU is derived from its output-oriented strategies, seeing the EU largely in instrumental terms.
EN
Estonia is recognized by the Muscovite Patriarchy as a part of the so-called “canonical territory” of the Russian Orthodox Church (the ROC).The participation of the ROC in Estonia is connected with the split of the Estonian Orthodox Church. Two religious fractions function there in the country: the Estonian Orthodox Church of the Muscovite Patriarchy and the Estonian Apostolic Orthodox Church of the Constantinopolitan Patriarchy (the EAOC). On the example of the situation in Estonia, a relation between religious issues and an aspiration to political independence can be observed there. The subject of the article is the question of how the argument in the bosom of the Estonian Orthodox Church is of a political character and what the priorities of the Muscovite Patriarchy are in the context of the existing situation. The time frames of the article are set at the first decade of the 21st century. The facts mentioned prove that authorities of the Russian Federation are also engaged in the argument discussed. The aim of Kremlin and the ROC is mutuala renaissance of Russia as an Orthodox empire and preservation of the canonical ROC's territory under Russian control.
EN
This research is conducted about compulsive buying behaviour in Estonia. The current research purpose is to find out how many people are affected by compulsive buying behaviour in Estonia and what factors are influencing this phenomenon. The research compares compulsive and usual buyers’ behavioural differences. The sample was 310 respondents and the research revealed that 8% of the respondents were compulsive consumers. Compulsive behaviour is influenced by materialistic factors.
EN
The transformation of the Estonian press began in the late eighties of the 20th century. There is quite a large discrepancy in the dates of the end of this process which could be explained by the fact that the formation of the newspaper market in Estonia started in 1994. However, the events of the early 21st century showed that the formation of new structures was an extremely laborious and very long process. Undoubtedly, the success of the transformation process was the emergence of the Estonian media already in the initial stage of private radio and television stations as well as local private radio stations. The transformation of the political system, which took place in Estonia, did not lead to a rapid loss of leadership of public television – Eesti TV. Eesti TV had remained the market leader in the electronic press until 1999 and in 2001 it lost its position to the most popular TV in Estonia, the commercial station TV3, which had existed since 1996. The article describes the changes that occurred in the public media in this neuralgic period.
EN
The article analyses the recent developments of the relationship between Russian minority in Estonia and its host state. It gives a theoretical background on the minority issue in the triangle of “kin-state/ minority/ hoststate”. In Estonia, the principle of Restitution governed the emergence of the Estonian policies. By the end of the 1990s the elites realized that the course towards the integration of the non-Estonian minority should be taken. The mood in the society can be traced from the mostly exclusive citizenship and language policies towards more inclusive course on integration. The author states that after the events of 2014, the attitudes towards the Russian minority were mixed, with some signs of radicalization, but overall there were attempts to include the minority more in the life of the country.
Mäetagused
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2013
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vol. 53
91–110
EN
This paper provides an overview of the first detailed case study of a Buddhist congregation in Estonia. The object of this study is Triratna Buddhist Community in Estonia, which was established here in 1989 and is part of international Triratna Buddhist Community (formerly known as Friends of the Western Buddhist Order) created in the United Kingdom in 1967. Mainly through oral history and participant observation methods as well as analysis of data presented by different written and oral sources the researcher strives to give an overview of various aspects of activity connected with one particular Buddhist group in Estonia, including its practice, ordination rituals, beliefs and membership characteristics. It also includes a detailed overview of the congregation’s history and its relationship with members of Triratna congregations in Finland and the UK. It presents Buddhism as an emerging new religion in Estonia through a case study of a Western Buddhist ecumenical congregation.
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EN
History of the Faculty of Polish studies at Tartu University Slavic Studies in Tartu (Dorpat) came to existence at the beginning of the 19th century when Russian language and literature started to be taught here. Other Slavic languages and literatures were gradually being included in the curriculum. Polish Studies were initiated in 1883 by a distinguished Polish linguist J. Niecisław Baudouin de Courtenay. In the article the author discusses gradual development of Polish Studies, expanding Slavic courses, contribution of particular famous scholars mainly from Poland in the inter-war period. The author lists the most important research topics and highlights the Tartu scholars’ special interest in Kashubian matters. Currently the Faculty of Polish Studies is supported by the Polish Ministry of Education which delegates Polish lecturers to run classes and enables Estonian students to undergo their training in Poland as well as participate in language courses. The author presented important publications from the field of Polish Studies published in Tartu.
PL
Finansowanie partii politycznych w Estonii determinuje przede wszystkim przyjęta w 1994 r. ustawa o partiach politycznych. Była ona wielokrotnie nowelizowana, a ostatnie znaczące zmiany wprowadzono w 2014 r. Zakłada ona zróżnicowanie źródeł finansowania partii po-litycznych i jako takie dopuszcza dotacje przekazywane bezpośrednio z budżetu państwa. darowizny od osób prywatnych, składki członkowskie, dochody z aktywów i majątku partii politycznej, a także pożyczki i kredyty. Warto odnotować, że gwarancje zachowania zasad transparentności i jawności finansowania partii politycznych zapewnia działalność niezależ-nego organu kontroli – Estońskiej Komisji Nadzoru Finansowania Partii
EN
Funding of political parties in Estonia is determined mainly by the Political Parties Act enacted in 1994. It was amended many times and the last meaningful modifications were introduced in 2014. The act assumes a diversification of the financing sources and allows parties to be financed from allocations from the state budget, donations given by a natural persons, membership fees, transactions with the property of the political parties as well as loans. It is worth mentioning that clarity and transparency principles of political parties’ funding are guaranteed by an operation of the independent supervisory body – Estonian Party Funding Supervision Committee.
EN
After regaining independence in 1991, Estonia began rebuilding the country after decades of the control of the Soviet empire. The assumptions of the systemic transformation were crucial for the reborn state. In addition to the fundamental political, economic and social changes that have been carried out, they allowed, above all, a geopolitical reconfiguration of the place and importance of the republic in contemporary international relations. Decisions adopted in the 1990s by Estonian governments led to a complete modernization of state management. The Estonian authorities, aware of their own abilities, were looking for optimal ways to create an effective administrative apparatus and lead to rapid economic growth of the state, and implemented digital solutions. As it was not possible to base one's "strength" on traditional hard power indicators: military, economic or geostrategic potential, it was decided to use soft sources of political influence. Moreover, the necessity to create a new administrative system contributed to the digital development of the state. Contemporary Estonia - with unique soft power resources, is today a modern digital state. Dictated by limited human and financial resources, Estonia adopted digitization as the optimal development opportunity, and its success in building an advanced digital society meant that the soft power projection not only strengthened its credibility, but also influenced the preferences of countries (local, regional, state governments) with digital ambitions and those who want to benefit from the experience of Estonian e-government.
PL
Po odzyskaniu niepodległości w 1991 r. Estonia rozpoczęła odbudowę kraju po dziesięcioleciach panowania imperium radzieckiego. Założenia transformacji ustrojowej okazały się kluczowe dla przyszłości odradzającego się państwa. Oprócz fundamentalnych zmian politycznych, ekonomicznych czy społecznych, jakie przeprowadzono, umożliwiły one przede wszystkich geopolityczną rekonfigurację miejsca i znaczenia republiki we współczesnych stosunkach międzynarodowych. Decyzje  przyjęte w latach 90. doprowadziły do całkowitej modernizacji zarządzania państwem. Władze, świadome własnych możliwości,  poszukując optymalnych sposobów stworzenia efektywnego aparatu administracyjnego oraz doprowadzenia do szybkiego wzrostu gospodarczego państwa, wdrażały cyfrowe rozwiązania. Wobec braku możliwości oparcia swojej „siły” na tradycyjnych  wskaźnikach hard power: potencjale wojskowym, ekonomicznym czy geostrategicznym, zdecydowano o wykorzystaniu miękkich źródeł oddziaływania politycznego, a konieczność stworzenia nowego systemu administracyjnego przyczyniła się do jego rozwoju. Współczesna Estonia – posiadająca wyjątkowe zasoby soft power jest dziś nowoczesnym państwem cyfrowym. Podyktowana ograniczonymi zasobami ludzkimi i finansowymi przyjęła cyfryzację jako optymalną możliwość rozwoju, a jej sukces w budowie zaawansowanego społeczeństwa cyfrowego sprawił, że projekcja soft power nie tylko wzmocniła wiarygodność republiki, ale również wpłynęła na preferencje krajów (rządów lokalnych, regionalnych, państwowych), posiadających ambicje cyfrowe i chcących korzystać z doświadczeń estońskiej e-administracji.
EN
There are two types of emergency states distinguished by the Constitution of the Republic of Estonia: state of emergency and state of war. They have been sparsely regulated at the level of the Constitution, leaving detailed issues to statutory regulation. The decision in this regard requires the cooperation of parliament with the authorities of executive power, i.e. the president and the government. The threat to the health and lives of citizens posed by a coronavirus pandemic is not a circumstance justifying the imposition of a state of emergency, let alone a state of war as stipulated in §§128–129 of the Constitution. Thus, the Estonian authorities in March 2020 decided to apply the mechanism of §87 section 8 of the Constitution.
PL
Konstytucja Republiki Estonii wyróżnia dwa rodzaje stanów nadzwyczajnych: stan wyjątkowy i stan wojenny. Zostały one skąpo unormowane na poziomie ustawy zasadniczej pozostawiając kwestie szczegółowe do regulacji ustawowej. Decyzja o wprowadzeniu stanu nadzwyczajnego wymaga współpracy parlamentu z organami władzy wykonawczej tj. prezydentem i rządem. Zagrożenie dla zdrowia i życia obywateli związane z pandemią koronawirusa nie stanowi okoliczności uzasadniającej zarządzenie stanu wyjątkowego ani tym bardziej stanu wojennego przewidzianych w §§128–129 ustawy zasadniczej. Tym samym w marcu 2020 r. władze estońskie zdecydowały o zastosowaniu mechanizmu przewidzianego w §87 Konstytucji.
PL
Artykuł porusza kwestię przesiedlenia mniejszości niemieckiej z Łotwy i Estonii do III Rzeszy jesienią 1939 r. i skupia się na genezie niespodziewanej akcji przesiedleńczej oraz przedstawia rokowania niemiecko-estońskie i niemiecko-łotewskie, które doprowadziły do podpisania odpowiednich układów.The article deals with the question of resettlement of the German minority from Latvia and Estonia to the Third Reich in the autumn of 1939, focusing on the genesis of an unexpected resettlement action, and presenting the German-Estonian and German-Latvian negotiations that ended with the signing of treaties.
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EN
The article describes commercial bribery in Estonia. The author focused mainly on analysing the normative structures of the Estonian Penal Code. The work includes elements specific to the local legal system, such as the link between corporate liability and criminal liability. The author proves that Estonian legal practices could be succesfully implemented into Polish law.
PL
W artykule została opisana korupcja w sektorze prywatnym w Estonii. Autor skupił się głównie na analizie konstrukcji normatywnych znajdujących się w estońskim kodeksie karnym. W pracy można znaleźć elementy specyficzne dla tamtejszego systemu prawa, w szczególności odpowiedzialność osób prawnych przedstawiającą się jako odpowiedzialność karna. Autor udowadnia, że doświadczenia estońskie mogą być cenne dla polskiego ustawodawcy.
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