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EN
For the studies of quantity degrees, words were chosen which the Dictionary of Standard Estonian (ÕS 2013) lists as being pronounced with both the second and third quantity degree. As Estonian text-to-speech synthesis relies in its determination of pronunciation on this dictionary and automatic text analysis cannot handle multiple outputs, the aim is to find out which variant is more common among language users, to give the preference to one of the pronunciation variants. This study is based on a reading experiment conducted with 50 informants (36 women and 14 men), in which each informant read 52 sentences aloud. These sentences contained 49 target words, i.e., words of variable quantity degrees; in total, the study yielded 2438 pronunciation instances to examine. Each pronunciation instance got an audio assessment made by 2 listeners. If their quantity degree assessment were conflicted (one listener gave second and another gave third quantity assessment) the third listener was then ultimate decider. There are two main questions we would like to answer. First of all, we are interested in finding out how much an auditory assessment depends on listeners and how much the estimations are changed during the evaluation. Finding answers to these questions will help us to reach the main goal of our study: to find out the main tendencies in how the words with variable quantity degrees are pronounced. Comparing the auditory assessment of the first and second listener, it turned out that of the 2438 pronunciations, the assessments of two listeners differed in 375 cases (15% of all the pronunciation instances). In case of inconsistencies, we gave the first listener the opportunity to make a new assessment. It turned out that the first estimation was changed on average in 50% of the instances. These 375 cases in which the first and second listener’s quantity degree assessments were conflicted were in the end changed by 72% of cases. This means that for all the 2438 pronunciations, the listeners changed their first assessment by an average of 12% of the cases. On the basis of the informants’ pronunciation, the words were grouped into three categories: the second quantity degree (words in which pronunciation with the second quantity degree dominated), variable quantity degree (where neither the second nor the third quantity degree accounted for more than 2/3 of all pronunciations), and the third quantity degree (words in which pronunciation with the third quantity degree dominated). Based on the auditory assessment, 20 words fell into the second quantity degree group, in which words were pronounced predominantly with the second quantity degree. These words were mullu ‘yester-year’, alles ‘only’, teisal ‘elsewhere’, ilma ‘without’, toimekas ‘expeditious’, soodus ‘favourable’, tallinlane ‘citizen of Tallinn’, andekas ‘talented’, rõõmus ‘jolly’, kirju ‘varicolored’, hilja ‘late’, võimekas ‘capable’, maitsekas ‘tasteful’, kiire ‘fast’, täiuslik ‘perfect’, võimetu ‘incapable’, augustis ‘in August’, eile ‘yesterday’, ungarlane ‘Hungarian’, politseinik ‘policeman’. Listing starts with a word which has the largest amount of second quantity degree pronunciation instances (100% of readers pronounced mullu as a word with the second quantity degree) and ends with the smallest amount of second quantity degree pronunciation instances (72% of readers pronounced politseinik as a word with the second quantity degree). The third quantity degree group contained 22 words. These words are saatanlik ‘satanic’, saatuslik ‘fateful’, peenelt ‘finely’, kuulus ‘famous’, rahvuslik ‘national’, äärmuslik ‘extreme’, looduslik ‘natural’, jaanuar ‘January’, kangelane ‘hero’, pealik ‘chief’, nooruslik ‘youthful’, haiguslik ‘diseaseful’, ahne ‘greedy’, ihne ‘penny-pinching’, kaine ‘sober’, terve ‘healthy’, kärme ‘fast’, ammu ‘erst‘, aula ‘hall’, nõiduslik ‘bewitching’, piknikuga ‘with picnic’, hirmus ‘horrible’. The variable quantity degree group contained 7 words: ilmetu ‘inexpressive’, kaitsetu ‘defenceless’, meetod ‘method’, ümbrikus ‘in envelope’, keiserlik ‘imperial’, teaduslik ‘scientific’, enne ‘before’.
EN
Latviešu-igauņu vārdnīca. Projektijuht [Manager of the project] Arvi Tavast. Tallinn: Eesti Keele Sihtasutus, 2015, 737 pp.Igauņu-latviešu vārdnīca. Atb. red. [Ed.] Valts Ernštreits. Rīga: Latviešu valodas aģentūra, Tallinn: Eesti Keele Sihtasutus, 2015, 1096 pp. ReviewTwo Peculiar Dictionaries of LatvianEstonian-Latvian dictionary (ed. Valts Ernštreits) and Latvian-Estonian dictionary (manager of the project Arvi Tavast) have been published at the same time and with the same design. Each of the dictionaries consists from more than forty thousand headwords, however they are not of the same size, Estonian-Latvian dictionary has significantly more pages. The reason is the Estonian-Latvian dictionary is a traditional bilingual dictionary, were we can find among other information a lot of illustrations for the use of translated lexis. Latvian-Estonian dictionary could be probably called an experimental dictionary. It is compiled on the basis of the parallel corpus, the lexical materials have been mostly processed automatically using specialized software, pro­fessional lexicographers did not participated in the compiling of this dictionary. As a result this Latvian-Estonian dictionary seems more like a glossary, we do not have examples of the use of translated words in this dictionary. What is very strange is that quite a lot of headwords are not words, they are groups of words. This experimental dictionary demonstrates that software alone still is not able to compile a dictionary of high quality without the help of experienced lexicographers. RecenzjaDwa osobliwe słowniki języka łotewskiegoSłowniki estońsko-łotewski (red. Valts Ernštreits) i łotewsko-estoński (kierownik projektu Arvi Tavast) zostały opublikowane jednocześnie i w takiej samej szacie graficznej. W każdym z nich zawarto ponad 40 tysięcy haseł, jednakże słowniki te nie mają identycznej objętości, gdyż słownik estońsko-łotewski liczy znacznie więcej stron. Wynika to z tego, że jest on tradycyjnym słownikiem dwujęzycznym, w którym poza innymi informacjami możemy znaleźć mnóstwo przykładów użycia tłumaczonej leksyki. Z kolei słownik łotewsko-estoński mógłby zapewne zostać nazwany eksperymentalnym. Został on opracowany na podstawie paralelnego korpusu, materiał leksykalny na ogół opracowano automatycznie przy zastosowaniu specjalistycznego oprogramowania, a profesjonalni leksykografowie nie uczestniczyli w autorskiej pracy nad tym słownikiem. W efekcie bardziej przypomina on zestawienie słownictwa, nie ma bowiem w tym słowniku przykładów użycia tłumaczonych wyrazów. Dziwne jest to, że wiele z haseł wyrazowych to w ogóle nie są wyrazy, lecz grupy wyrazów. Ten eksperymentalny słownik dowodzi, że samo oprogramowanie wciąż nie wystarcza, aby opracować dobrej jakości słownik bez udziału doświadczonych leksykografów.
Mäetagused
|
2012
|
vol. 51
59–80
EN
The article observes the qualitative change of lexical units as a natural part of the language development process. The authors aspire to explicate the regularities in the changes that the meaning of phraseological expressions has undergone. This is performed on the example of the phrase läheb nagu lepase reega ‘goes as on an alder sleigh’ – an etymologically old and genuine phrase that is popularly used in Estonian dialectal, colloquial and literary language and whose semantic meaning has been subject to the largest possible qualitative change. The reconceptualization of the motif can be explained by the context of the image formation and the cognitive motivation of the motion event.
EN
The use of large speech corpora in phonetic research depends to a great extent on the availability and quality of phonetic segmentation and transcriptions. As a rule, the best quality of segmentation is achieved by human transcribers who perform time-consuming and tedious manual work. However, tools for automatic segmentation exploiting typically HMM-based forced alignment methods have been developed for different languages. In recent years, two automatic systems as free online services have become available for Estonian: (1) the system developed at Tallinn University of Technology (https://phon.ioc.ee/dokuwiki/doku.php?id=projects:tuvastus:est-align.et), and (2) the multi-lingual tool WebMAUS (https://clarin.phonetik.uni-muenchen.de/BASWebServices/). In this study we evaluate the performance of the two systems against human transcribers. The test set includes Estonian read speech produced by: (1) four L1 adult subjects, (2) six L1 adolescents, and (3) four L2 adult subjects. The reference segmentation data including 27 sentences from L1 subjects and 10 sentences from the other subjects were produced manually as Praat textgrid files with two tiers (word-level orthographic and phoneme-level SAMPA transcription); the automatic systems have produced similar textgrid files. In total, 1179 word boundaries and 5050 phone boundaries were compared. The results show that both systems performed more accurately for L1 adult speech and were less accurate in the case of adolescent and L2 speech. While the TUT system outperformed WebMAUS in L1 adult speech, then in L1 adolescents and L2 speech WebMAUS produced more accurate results. Despite the deviations in phone boundaries, the durations of vowel and consonant segments measured from automatic and manual segmentations of L1 adult speech differ only marginally. This suggest that the accuracy of both automatic systems seems to be sufficient for speech technology needs and could also be used in acoustic studies of L1 adult speech. However, both systems need improvements in order to reach the accuracy of automatic segmentation tools available for English.
EN
Acoustic syllable durations were measured in Estonian utterances performed in parallel as recited and sung. A systematic effect of phonological syllable length was found irrespective of the group of participants (contemporary or historic). This effect of syllable length was modified by the mode of performance: in music, it was present considerably less than in speech. In music, the effect of syllable length in turn was modified by song: it was present in two of the three songs, but absent in one song. The above results suggest that the correspondence between linguistic duration and musical rhythm in a quantity language such as Estonian is loosely defined. The nature of the correspondence between linguistic quantity and musical rhythm may be considered, to a certain extent, analogous to the tone-tune relationship in tonal languages.
EN
Even rather similar proverbs and idiomatic phrases can have national nuances. They reflect the view of life and cultural reality typical for the nation in question. They give information about history, religion, manners, ethics, feelings, etc., of a country. However, the interaction between neighbours is a part of culture, and has contributed to cultural exchange. Because the ideas appearing in proverbs and phrases are in many respects universal, their globalisation happens naturally. Idiomatic phrases are challenging to translate because their meaning is not compositionally derived from their parts. This article demonstrates and compares the strategies that have been used for Estonian and Finnish (TL) in idiomatic phrase translations. The source languages (SL) are German and English. Two main translation strategies are presented: domesticating and foreignising. Domestication refers to the strategy in which the translator tries to reduce potential SL-specific elements by substituting them with corresponding TL-specific cultural elements. When using foreignisation as a strategy, translators refrain from making any changes, although cultural elements are divergent in the SL and TL, and they are retained in translations as close to the original as possible. The meaning of the idiom can be divided into two: the core meaning and additional meaning. Using this dichotomy helps, above all, to describe what kind of changes take place in the domesticating process. Idiomatic phrases carry a package of cultural values associated with the SL, and it is not an easy task to discover which culture-specific and language-specific features, and how, are translatable into the TL. In addition, idiomatic phrases can contain various more or less “poetic” elements, like uncommon words, exceptional word order, alliteration or rhyme. Transferring all these qualities to the TL is difficult but would contribute to maintaining the original expressive power, which is an important component of the idiomatic phrase in its native language. The results indicate that domestication strategies have a very important role in translation. Estonian and Finnish translators favour, for instance, substitution. They also add some expressive constituents like alliteration. Very old loan idioms are not domesticated. Particularly older people prefer established translations, even though they can encompass culturally unfamiliar elements. An interesting new phenomenon is direct, word-for-word translation. This kind of foreignising may be due to the speakers’ wish to show their English skills or their expertise. The use of this strategy stresses something special, like belonging to a certain in-group. There are some differences between Estonian and Finnish translations. Sometimes the Finnish translators advance further in the direction of the target language and culture than the Estonian ones. However, this solution seems to be arbitrary, not regular. Finns are keen on using a new calque translation which not necessarily adds to the intelligibility of the text. Some typically Finnish idiomatic phrases, popular especially among the young people, have not crossed the ocean. It would be very interesting to find out if the Finns living or studying in Estonia have absorbed local idioms.
EN
Most SLA theories and models have recognised cross-linguistic influence (CLI) as an important or even the major factor determining the second language acquisition, which, in interaction with other factors, determines the likelihood of the transferability of a given structure in a given context. Interlingual identifications made by learners between the first (L1) or formerly learned (Ln) and target language (TL) enable both positive and negative transfer from the L1/Ln, depending on the learners’ perceptions of the convergence or divergence of the L1/Ln and TL patterns. However, largely due to the visibility of non-target like language usage, the majority of studies on the CLI have focused on the negative outcomes of the issue or dealt with the CLI without separately tackling the positive and negative influence. In closely related languages like Finnish and Estonian with their rich inflectional morphology, the L1 influence is clearly seen in bound morphology, and its outcomes are considerably more often positive than negative. The paper aims to explore how and why learners’ perceptions of similarity do or do not get realised as positive CLI in inflectional morphology, on the basis of the following two databases: 1) thinking aloud protocols and retrospective interviews on an experimental inflection test of Estonian high school students learning Finnish as a foreign language; 2) longitudinal video-taped data of Estonian primary school children learning Finnish as a second language in a preparatory class. The results indicate that both second and foreign language learners benefit from similar inflectional patterns when they perceive cross-linguistic similarity and then apply a pattern similar to L1 and TL. For foreign language learners, the two main reasons of rejecting the converging morphological patterns of L1 and TL are: 1) a psychological barrier, avoiding “too” similar patterns in Estonian and Finnish, causing the repetition of the pattern during analogical processing; 2) competition between analogical and rule-based production, which is supported by foreign language instruction. In learning closely related inflectional morphology, system learning for production precedes item learning for production both in second and foreign language learners.
Mäetagused
|
2016
|
vol. 64
99-114
EN
Estonian words for colours are often produced by adding an adjectival suffix to a noun stem. The most productive adjectival suffix -ne does not change the meaning of the word. The meaning of adjectives with the suffixes ‑kas and ‑jas, which occur frequently among colour names, depends on the part of speech of the derivation base. Denominal adjectives describe the colour on the basis of its similarity to an object (e.g. savikas ‘clay-coloured’ < N savi ‘clay’). If the suffix ‑kas or ‑jas (in Võru dialect -kane or -jane) has been attached to an adjective, the terms express partial hue content in a colour (e.g. hallikas ‘greyish’ < Adj. hall ‘grey’. Some moderating colour terms are derivatives with an ik- or lik-suffix. Compounds and phrasal units make up nearly 80% of all Estonian colour terms. A term consisting of two or more words can conditionally be divided into two parts: the final component is the base word, while the initial one carries the attributive function. Either component may, in turn, be a root word, a suffixed derivative, or a compound or phrase. Colours are often described by phrases in which the final component is not inflected either in case or in number. This may be either (1) a parameter word meaning ‘coloured’ (e.g. värvi, karva) or an adjectival derivative from the stem (värviline, karvaline, etc.); or (2) a moderating adverb or adjective (e.g. ‑võitu, ‑sugune, ‑poolne). A large number of Estonian colour names are motivated by the comparison with the colour of a well-known object. A closer look at such phrasal terms revealed that the combination of a part of speech and the way of compounding has a semantic function. Many colour names have their origin in a colouring substance. Borrowed foreign terms are often adapted to fit the Estonian phonetic and lexical system, and sometimes have an absolutely strange word stem (e.g. Gm Orleans > Est ordijoon, ort, etc.). Colour naming represents an open system in Estonian and everybody can find creative ways to describe colours. A new colour name is adequately understandable if it fits into the traditional system used to denote colours in Estonian.
EN
The aim of the article is to increase awareness of conceptual metaphors and their role in reflecting emotional life. The article presents a systematic overview, based on the cognitive metaphor theory, of the images (metaphor, metonymy) used in Estonian to conceptualise emotions, also highlighting the use of hyperbole and absurdity. The most significant aspects in figurative descriptions are intensity, cyclic character, existence inside the experiencer, bodily changes, complicated controllability, coping, subjective suffering, usefulness. One of the main aims of the article is to highlight the diversity of cognitive projections about emotions, occurring in Estonian in a latent state, which enables the speakers to relate to emotions in different ways. The author argues that when describing feelings and emotions, many more aspects can be observed than just good and bad, which makes it possible to understand a phenomenon more diversely.
Mäetagused
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2014
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vol. 58
7-34
EN
The paper discusses the origins of the Estonian word jumal (‘God’). First, it summarises the versions proposed by previous treatises, and thereafter the linguistic material of Estonian runo songs is analysed in order to detect variations in its usage, pointing to the possible pre-Christian meaning of the word. The body of the paper consists of presenting and discussing the alternative stems that the word jumal could be derived from. Among them are some appellatives (jumm/juma ‘log’; jumi/jume ‘colour of the face’) as well as proper names of the mythological creatures of the neighbouring countries (Finnish Jumi and Latvian Jumis) and the name of the Indo-European divine twin (Yemo).The linguistic and geographical distribution of the term as well as the background information obtained from archaeology suggest that the latter version fits the best. In the following a somewhat more extended summary of the abovementioned sections of the paper is presented. The previous treatises agree that the term jumal is of genuine origin. It is considered to be a derivative term consisting of the stem jumV (the last vocal varying between (a/e/i) and of a suffix (-l-). They disagree on its proposed original meaning (‘cover’, ‘face’, ‘sound of thunder’, ‘good’, ‘essence’, ‘shivering’, ‘dead body’) and on what the function of the suffix has been. There are also different opinions on whether the supposed supreme being has been of “heavenly” kind or it could have been located elsewhere. The analysis of the context in which the term jumal was used in the runo songs revealed that besides the usages in the Christianity-related contexts (co-located with Jeesuke (‘Jesus’) and Mari (‘Mary’)) there were other uses where it omitted such a company. Among them were the stereotypical phrases and addresses for help and the pantheistic nature-related usages (in connection with wind, trees and light). There were also some references to the genuine Baltic-Finnic mythological heritage (the God-Smith, the ‘golden trace of god’, etc.) and some usages that could be cultural influences from the neighbours. Tracing back the dialectal stem jumm/juma (‘log’) reveals its cognate in ancient Russian ‘connected rafts; catamaran’. The wood-related origin of the word jumal is considered semantically motivated (the wooden statues of gods being the link between the ideological content and the material), but the stem as the actual origin of jumal is questionable because of its presence not only in the Baltic-Finnic languages but also in Mordvinic and Mari. The stem jumi/jume (‘colour of the face’) appeared to be used in different meanings mainly in the archaic runo songs, indicating ‘vital force’ and ‘mental force’. These meanings fit perfectly with the Estonians’ animistic worldview in general and their obsession with the vital force noticed by the earlier authors. Also, the usage of the term reveals that metonymy (paleness stands for physical/mental weakness) and metaphors (e.g. vital/mental force is liquid, vital/mental force is a person) have been at work. Derivation of the notion of jumal from such a concept seems highly probable. However, the abstract meanings are only locally distributed in a part of southern Estonia while the word jumal(a) is known in the Baltic-Finnic languages and its cognates also in Mari and Mordvinic. In the Finnish heritage there was a mythological creature called Jumi. He appeared as double-faceted: causing of sudden diseases was attributed to him, and at the same time he was the fertility deity, worshipped in a special type of play-weddings. Jumi has been referred to as the Finno-Ugric pantheistic “spirit of the world” having a cognate at least in Mari (Jumo). Derivation of the appellative jumal from such a proper name seems highly probable. In Latvian there is a word jumi-s (f. juma-, n jume-) (‘double fruit’), and its supposed derivative jumala (‘fat female’). Historically, there has been a fertility deity called Jumis in the Baltic pantheon. Derivation of the appellative jumal (‘god’) from the borrowed proper name of the fertility deity also seems probable. In addition, there is a possibility that the whole word jumala has been borrowed. Again, the linguistic and geographic distribution of the term makes this particular version of borrowing somewhat questionable. The Latvian Jumis is etymologically connected to the Indo-European divine twin Yemo, which has cognates in the creation myths of several Indo-European cultures and his role has been to symbolise the connection of living people to the dead ancestors. The original meaning of the stem is believed to be ‘to bind together’. Purely linguistic evidence leaves it uncertain whether this could be the actual origin of the term jumal, but the word has been borrowed to the Finno-Ugric languages at least once (the Sami juomek ‘twin’). The linguistic distribution (cognates in Mari and Mordvinic) suggests that the stem Jum must have been coined or borrowed during the prehistoric period 1900–900 BC. At that time bronze spread from the East to the West, and together with it the fortified settlements similar to the Indo-Iranian ones. The herding and cultivating economy produced more food than hunting and gathering, thus giving an advantage to the tribes who had changed their economy. The archaeological evidence (types of graves) in Estonia reveals a collectivist mentality and a cult of ancestors. Therefore, within the whole economic, cultural and ideological package, borrowing of the name of the deity of dead ancestors YemoJum seems highly probable. There are several other religion-related Indo-Iranian loanwords in Estonian (taevas ‘heaven’ <*‘god’, peied ‘wake’, mana- ‘spell; underworld’, marrask (of skin) ‘dead’). The original ancestor-related meaning of the name/stem jum, however, has been reinterpreted according to the evolving needs of the Finno-Ugric speaking societies: it could refer to the pantheistic “spirit of the world”, the fertility deity, the life force, the ultimate helper, the creator, the heavenly supreme being, etc.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł prezentuje oparte na wartościach badanie figur stylistycznych określających język i jego standaryzację. Materiał zaczerpnęliśmy z debaty dotyczącej modernizacji norm językowych, która miała miejsce w estońskich mediach publicznych w latach 2020-2022 i osiągnęła punkt, który można nazwać kryzysowym. Debata odbywała się głównie w formie tekstów opiniotwórczych, wyrażających subiektywną perspektywę autorów. W jej trakcie uwidoczniły się dwa przeciwstawne poglądy na kwestie języka i planowania językowego, reprezentujące liberalny i konserwatywny model wartości. Niniejsze badanie koncentruje się na wzajemnym oddziaływaniu wartości i wzorców myślenia figuratywnego, ponieważ metafory były szeroko stosowane w celu wzmocnienia argumentów obu stron. Oparte na założeniach teoretyczno-metodologicznych teorii metafory konceptualnej, ram figuratywnych, analizy scenariuszy metaforycznych, systemowej lingwistyki funkcjonalnej i krytycznej analizy dyskursu badanie ujawniło, że przeciwne strony sporu faworyzowały określone metafory podczas dyskusji o języku. Jako kwestię poboczną poruszamy również dynamikę stosunków politycznych, która uwidacznia się poprzez dyskurs dotyczący kryzysu językowego.
EN
This study is a values-driven approach to figures of speech, depicting language and its standardisation. We explore a discourse about the modernisation of linguistic norms that took place in Estonian public media in 2020–2022 and reached the point of being labelled a crisis. The debate took place mostly in the form of opinion-writing texts, expressing the writers’ subjective perspectives. During the discussions, two parties with different outlooks on language and language planning issues emerged, representing the dichotomy of liberal and conservative value models. The focus of the study is on the interplay between values and patterns of figurative thought, as metaphors were extensively used to strengthen the arguments of both sides. The analysis, based on the theoretical-methodological means of the Conceptual Metaphor Theory, Figurative Framing, Metaphor Scenario Analysis, Systemic Functional Linguistics and Critical Discourse Analysis, revealed that the opposing parties favoured certain metaphors when depicting language. As a side issue, we also address the dynamics of power relations through the language crisis discourse.
EN
The study examines the acoustic correlates of sentence stress in Estonian. The data consists of 18 four-word sentences read aloud by nine speakers in answer to three questions eliciting different information structures. The test words include six sets of triplets of words differing minimally in quantity degree. The words occur in three different stress conditions: (i) after narrow focus (the unstressed condition); (ii) as the nuclear accented word in a broad focus sentence (the stressed condition); and (iii) as an emphatically accented narrow focus (used for the purposes of normalisation). The test word is always the third word in the four-word sentence in order to avoid interferences from boundary signals. The potential correlates under study are the following: (i) the F0 range and peak height of the test word, measured in the test words with a H*L pitch accent respectively as the difference between the F0 maximum of the stressed syllable and the F0 minimum of the unstressed syllable, and as the difference from the mean F0 maximum of the test word in the three stress conditions produced by a speaker; (ii) the duration of the test word in the different stress conditions, measured as the difference from the mean duration of the test word in all three conditions; (iii) the intensity range and the maximal intensity level of the test word; (iv) the values of the F1 and F2 formants as indicators of vowel quality; and (v) the spectral emphasis of the stressed syllable of the test words. The above values were analysed separately for the three quantity degrees in order to determine a potential effect of the prosodic structure of the word on the acoustic realisation of sentence stress. The data was statistically analysed with the Systat software package. The classification power of the different parameters was determined, using linear discriminant analysis. The strongest correlate of sentence stress turned out to be F0, as was expected, given that sentence stress is phonologically realised as a pitch accent. From the two F0 values, the peak height was the stronger one, with a classification power of 89%, F0 range permitting to classify correctly 76% of the data. Almost equally strong correlates as the F0 range were the duration and intensity level, classifying correctly respectively 75% and 73% of the data. Vowel quality and spectral emphasis did not correlate significantly with sentence stress. The results also revealed an effect of lexical prosody on the acoustic realisation of sentence stress: the lengthening and the rise of the intensity level were the largest in the stressed words of the third (overlong) quantity degree.
PL
Pandemia Covid-19 wywarła znaczący wpływ na różne aspekty życia społecznego, w tym na język i procesy poznawcze. W badaniu tym zbadano, jak pandemia wpłynęła na skojarzenia związane ze słowami związanymi ze zdrowiem wśród 1454 rodzimych użytkowników języka estońskiego. Dane zebrane między styczniem a marcem 2023 r. porównano ze zbiorem danych sprzed pandemii, słownikiem pt. „Dictionary of Estonian Word Associations” (DEWA), opracowanym w latach 2016–2018. W badaniu skupiono się na piętnastu słowach związanych ze zdrowiem. Wyniki wykazały, że, w związku z kryzysem związanym z Covid-19, pięć z tych słów doznało znaczących zmian w swoich ścieżkach skojarzeń. Warto zauważyć, że spośród badanych 15 słów trzy wyróżniają się jako najbardziej znaczące przypadki, gdzie nastąpiła zmiana w podstawowych reakcjach na nie; te zazwyczaj wykazują najsilniejsze i najtrwalsze powiązania skojarzeniowe, co czyni je mniej podatnymi na zmiany. Ten proces ujawnia zmiany w reprezentacjach leksykonu mentalnego oraz ewoluujące postrzeganie określonych słów i pojęć w kontekście pandemii. Wyniki te ilustrują, jak nieprzewidziane zakłócenia zewnętrzne, takie jak kryzys związany z Covid-19, mogą zmienić konfigurację znaczeń niektórych pojęć w obrębie języka i poznania. Niniejsze badanie przyczynia się do zrozumienia skutków językowych i procesów adaptacji języka wywołanych kryzysem zdrowotnym. Wzbogaca także stosunkowo słabo zbadaną dziedzinę badań nad skojarzeniami słów, szczególnie w językach spoza obszaru anglojęzycznego.
EN
The COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant impact on various aspects of society, including language and cognitive processes. This research investigates how the pandemic has influenced associations related to health-related words among 1,454 Estonian native speakers. Data collected between January and March 2023 were compared with a pre-pandemic dataset, the Dictionary of Estonian Word Associations (DEWA), compiled from 2016 to 2018. The study focuses on fifteen health-related cue words. The results revealed that five terms experienced significant changes in their association sequences concerning the COVID-19 crisis. Notably, among these 15 words, three stand out as the most significant cases where a change occurred in their primary responses: these typically exhibit the most robust and enduring associative links, making them less susceptible to change. This unveils shifts in the mental lexicon's representations and the evolving perceptions of specific words and concepts amidst the pandemic backdrop. These findings illustrate how unforeseen external disruptions, such as the COVID-19 crisis, can reconfigure the salience of certain concepts within language and cognition. This research contributes to our comprehension of the linguistic repercussions and potential language adaptations triggered by a health crisis. It also enriches the relatively understudied field of word association research, particularly in languages beyond the dominion of English.
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