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1

An Analysis of the Criticism of the Area of Freedom Security and Justice of the European Union

100%

Skłodowski B.

Kwartalnik Naukowy OAP UW "e-Politikon"

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2012

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issue 1

85-108

EN

The following paper concentrates on the analysis of the criticism of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice of the European Union. The Author focuses on the nature of this criticism, its subject – the process of securitization of the EU and also on the sources of such criticism. This paper addresses fundamental questions related to the issues of both general criticism of the AFSJ (its technocratic character and lack of parliamentary and judiciary control) and the criticism of particular activities of the EU agencies, such as Europol and Frontex.

PL

Niniejsza praca skupia się na analizie krytyki Przestrzeni Wolności, Bezpieczeństwa i Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej. Autor skupia się na naturze tej krytyki, jej przedmiocie – procesie sekurytyzacji Unii Europejskiej, a także na źródłach tej krytyki. Praca porusza fundamentalne kwestie związane zarówno z ogólną krytyką Przestrzeni Wolności, Bezpieczeństwa i Sprawiedliwości, jak i z krytyką poszczególnych działań podejmowanych przez unijne agencje, takie jak Europol i Frontex.

2

МЕЖДУ ЛОКАЛЬНОЙ И ЕВРОПЕЙСКОЙ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТЬЮ: АНАЛИЗ ЭТНИЧЕСКИХ ГРУПП (РУССКИЕ, ПОЛЯКИ, БЕЛОРУСЫ) В ЛИТВЕ

100%

Matulionis A. V., Frejute-Rakauskiene M., Šliavaite K.

Sociālo Zinātņu Vēstnesis

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2013

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issue 1

18-41

EN

The paper overviews and analyses some data collected in Lithuania in the framework of the international research project ENRI-East (“Interplay of European, National and Regional Identities: Nations Between the States Along the New Eastern Borders of the European Union”, www.enri-east.net) in 2008-2011 by a consortium of 11 teams of scientific institutes of England, Slovakia, Austria, Poland, Belarus, Ukraine, Hungary, Germany and Lithuania. The project was coordinated by the Center for Comparative Eurasia Studies and Surveys (CEASS-Center) of the Institute for Advanced Studies in Vienna (IHS-Vienna) and primarily funded by the European Union’s Seventh framework Programme under an FP7-SSH Grant Agreement #217227. This paper is mainly based on results of qualitative research conducted in the framework of the project among Belarusians, Poles and Russians in Lithuania, i.e. ethnic groups settled next to the borders with their historical homelands. The qualitative biographical indepth interviews were conducted in accordance to the methodological guidelines developed by ENRI-EAST team. In each ethnic group (Belarusians, Poles, Russians) 12 interviews were conducted with members of three generations (young (from 16 till 22), middle (from 35 till 50) and older generation (from 65 and older). The majority of interviews were conducted in Russian language. The Russian and Belarusian informants are mainly from Vilnius city. The informants from Polish group were interviewed in Vilnius city and Vilnius region. The interviews were conducted in July-August of 2010. The main criteria for selection of informants is their age group (generation), gender and identification with particular ethnic group. In the paper the authors discuss how informants construct their identities with Lithuania, historical homelands (Russia, Poland or Belarus) and Europe or EU. The qualitative research revealed that for informants of all generations identification with the locality, city (Vilnius), country of residence (Lithuania) is more important than with Europe or EU. Nevertheless, the identity with Europe or EU is built by most of informants of all generations. The informants of younger generation of all ethnic groups express more enthusiasm and are more positive regarding Lithuania’s integration into the EU.

3

Внесок країн Веймарського трикутника у систему європейської безпеки

100%

Русова О.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2014

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vol. 4

39-45

EN

“Weimar triangle” has appeared as a political and diplomatic configuration in 1991, reflecting the new geopolitical situation in the region of Central and Eastern Europe after the ending of so-called “velvet revolutions”. After the collapse of the Soviet camp and the USSR, all these countries had to seek the new partners and alternative forms of interaction. The main foreign reference-point was the political integration with EU states. The active engagement of Poland into these processes, as one of the biggest countries of “new Europe” according to a number of population and a scale of territory, became the main task of Europe. The appearance of the new geopolitical formation, gave the opportunity to the Germans and French to keep the Poles within the bounds of the negotiation process and constant dialogue, exercising control of the reforms in the fields of Warsaw foreign and international policy in the 90s. The main goal was reached and Poland became a full-right member of the EU in May 2004. Due to the strengthening of french-german-polish ties, the project “Weimar triangle” gradually is asserting itself as the subregional actor, which can exert the influence on the politics of the EU. This is proved by the enlargement of form of the triangle interaction, and its transformation into “Weimar triangle+” with the participation of Spain and Italy. Taking into account the political heft of “Weimar triangle”, the cooperation of these three states in the defence area raised in importance. During last ten years Poland, France and Germany initiated a great number of the different project in this direction: “Weimar brigade” – organized with the aim to carry out the joint EU operations and the coordination of the civil and military components; the constant negotiations with Russia, discussing its role in the system of the European security and other European integration processes; the collaboration with Northern European states (Ghent initiative) and the setting up of the project “Polling and Sharing” in order to use the finances for the military needs. But one of the main obstacles on the way of realization of all its projects is that all EU member-states now came very close to the creation of the collective military potential and have to delegate some of their sovereign rights to the competence of the specialized EU institutions. As a consequence, it can lead to the split between the opponents and supporters of the Common Foreign and Security Police and could temporary suspend the integration processes in this sphere.

4

Krytyka modelu rządzenia Unii Europejskiej w kontekście kryzysu procesu integracji

88%

Tomaszewski K.

Studia Politologiczne

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2019

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vol. 53

28-45

EN

The subject of the article is the issue of governance in the EU. The functioning of this type of organization with an extensive membership base and extensive competencies requires the development of an appropriate decision-making model. The solutions adopted, based on the multi-level governance mechanism, ensure effective operation, but require adjustments in relation to crisis situations. These adjustments should take into account not only the current needs of the integration process (e.g. effective Brexit or migration crisis management of African people), but also constitute an effective modus operandi in relation to the new challenges that the EU will take in the future.

5

Brexit: przyczyny oraz potencjalne konsekwencje wyjścia Wielkiej Brytanii z Unii Europejskiej

88%

Zuba K.

Studia Politologiczne

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2017

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vol. 45

287-313

EN

In the referendum of 23 June 2016, the 51.89% majority of the British who decided to vote opted for the exit of their country from the European Union. This paper presents the main threads in the debate concerning, on the one hand, the reasons for Brexit and, on the other hand, its potential consequences for the United Kingdom and the EU. The vote for Brexit was determined by long-term factors (the specific character of the country’s political and economic systems) as well as short-term ones (the rising wave of immigration and the erroneous assumptions in the strategy of the pro-Europe camp). The main factor determining the scale of Brexit’s consequences will be the result of negotiations, and thus the status of the United Kingdom in its relationships with the EU to be established in the course of negotiations, as well as political, economic, and social practices. Most analysts share the opinion that these consequences will be negative. This applies in particular to economic issues and the territorial integrity of the United Kingdom.

6

Nowe ukierunkowanie pomocy publicznej na B+R+I w Unii Europejskiej na lata 2014–2020

88%

A Ambroziak A.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2017

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issue 2

95-118

EN

State aid for R&D&I is one of governmental interventions which change companies’ behaviour from market-orientated to driven by government’s orders. Therefore there is an extended dispute between supporters of government interventions and free market economy believers. When seeking a golden solution we come across the concept of market failures, which proves the admissibility of public intervention, such as state aid. One of the exemptions in the field of public aid applies to state aid for research, development and innovation activities, which should assist and encourage the EU entrepreneurs to R&D&I activities. New guidelines on state aid for R&D&I substantially change conditions on admissible public support to entrepreneurs. Therefore, the aim of this article is to evaluate new directions of changes in assumptions, designated benefi ciaries and expected outcomes of state aid for research, development and innovation. On the basis of the research we can conclude that EU prefers to support R&D&I activities, which, at least partially, support the EU2020 goals and are expected to improve the availability of innovation techniques.

7

Obywatelstwo europejskie a problem integracji imigrantów w Unii Europejskiej

88%

Szymańska J.

Studia Politologiczne

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2013

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issue 27

207-239

EN

EU Citizenship, which is considered as significant tool for intra-EU immigrant integration, poses a challenge for integration of third country nationals. Non the less there are concepts based on European citizenship which aim to strengthen non-EU foreigners’ integration, e.g. concept of civic cithizenship defined by the European Commission as ‘granting third country nationals rights and obligations comparable to those of EU citizens’, as well as proposals to uncouple European citizenship from Member State nationality and develop a ‘true Union citizenship’. The aim of the article is to analyze EU citizenship as an instrument of immigrant integration policy and present the integration ideas based on EU citizenship. The research includes diagnosis of ‘exclusiveness’ of EU citizenship as well as potential of this legal construct for immigrant’s social and political ‘inclusion’, strengthening integration process and establishing an area of freedom, security and justice.

8

Wyjście Wielkiej Brytanii z Unii Europejskiej a zróżnicowanie integracji w UE

88%

Kubin T.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2018

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vol. 1

45-68

EN

On March 29, 2017, as a consequence of the referendum of June 23, 2016, the British Prime Minister, Theresa May, notified the European Council the intention to leave the EU in accordance with art. 50 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU). This means that within two years the United Kingdom will probably leave the EU. The phenomenon that we have dealt with since the beginning of the integration process within the European Communities (and later the EU) but which has more and more influence on the shape and functioning of the European Union for more or less decades, is the differentiation of integration in the EU between its member states. The UK’s exit from the EU and the progressive differentiation of integration within this organization are two extremely important processes that will strongly affect the shape and functioning of the EU. The main objective of this study is to try to answer the question of how UK’s exit from the EU will affect the process of differentiation integration in the EU. The starting point is an outline of the position of the United Kingdom in the EU in the context of differentiation of integration in the Union, i.e. identification of the most important exclusions of this state from the EU acquis communautaire (mainly the EU primary law). In the third part of the article, an attempt will be made to indicate the consequences of the exit of United Kingdom from the EU for deepening differences in the integration of the EU member states. The summary contains the main conclusions.

9

Zarządzanie wielopoziomowe – analiza przypadku polityki rozszerzania Unii Europejskiej

88%

Szymański A.

Studia Politologiczne

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2013

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issue 27

186-206

EN

EU enlargement policy is shaped not only by the member states, the Council of the EU or the European Council but also by the Union supranational institutions. The aim of this article, which makes use of the decision method, is to show that mechanisms of the multi-level governance (MLG) are also present in this policy. This enables a researcher to verify, with the use of MLG as the theoretical model, the hypothesis that the continuation of the enlargement process depends on the capacity of the supranational institutions influencing the decisions made by the member states whose approach to admitting new countries to the EU is increasingly reserved.

10

Partnerstwo Wschodnie Unii Europejskiej w dobie wstrząsów i przemian Europy Wschodniej

88%

Stępniewski T.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2017

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issue 3

183-193

EN

Eastern Europe (especially Ukraine) struggles with a significant number of problems, both internal and external in character. Euromaidan in Ukraine complicated the situation of the country even further. Some researchers believe the aftermath of Euromaidan sent the strongest shockwave since the fall of the USSR. In addition, the conflict results in geopolitical changes in Eastern Europe, but also infl uences conditions the European Union’s eastern policy is implemented in. The Eastern Partnership (EaP) is quite frequently considered an ineffi cient policy. Some go as far as to claim it has lost its raison d’etre. Observations claiming a decline of the EaP project are also made. Is it really true that the EaP project has failed to meet its objectives? The present paper constitutes a general review of the situation the European Union’s Eastern Partnership countries are in with regards to the armed conflict in Ukraine (the so-called Ukrainian crisis). The paper attempts to offers answers to the following questions: Will the EU be able to consider the position of EaP states in such a predicament? Will Poland, supported by the countries of the Visegrad Group (the V4), be able to convince EU member states to become actively involved in the matters of the East? Will Russia’s actions towards EaP states prevent the objectives from being reached?

11

Jaka UE w jakim świecie? Wpływ czynników międzynarodowych na obecny i przyszły stan Unii Europejskiej

88%

Barburska O.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2017

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issue 4

9-33

EN

The main aim of the paper is to present important factors influencing present and future shape of the European Union. Among many important factors three of them have been chosen: globalization, collapse of the Washington consensus, as well as the shift in the international order. Author tried to show in which way the impact of those factors influences different spheres of the EU, starting with the most important issues (like an optimal model of the European integration) and coming to the economic and social matters. It was underlined that this kind of influence is reciprocal – it means that the European Union has also possibilities to change interational situation, and its ability with this regard depends on the EU’s effectiveness and performance as an international organization.

12

Gra sił w kontestowanym sąsiedztwie Unii Europejskiej i Rosji

88%

Stępniewski T.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2017

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issue 4

35-53

EN

When viewing the geopolitical map of the world, the fact that, in 2017, there exist several areas where conflicting interests of superpowers clash, can be observed. These areas include e.g. Syria and Ukraine. As far as Russia’s and the EU’s confl icting interests are concerned, the area of common neighborhood constitutes the greatest challenge for both sides. The present paper examines the situation of eastern neighborhood countries, which can be labeled as the area contested by the EU and Russia. Another term which may be applied to the region the EU and Russia compete for is the contested neighborhood. The neighborhood encompasses six post-Soviet states located on the one hand between the EU and NATO, and Russia on the other. These states encompass Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine in Eastern Europe, and Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia in South Caucasus. The discussion of the competition will be limited in time to the 21st century, especially to the period following the outbreak of the armed confl ict in Donbas between Ukraine and Russia (officially Donbas separatists supported by Russia), and the signifi cance of the conflict for the region. Individual sections of the paper will present the specific character of the EU and Russia’s common neighborhood, and soft and hard power applied by both superpowers. Furthermore, results of the competition of the powers in eastern neighborhood in the form of events of 2014, i.e. the Euromaidan and annexation of Crimea by Russia in particular, will be discussed.

13

POMOC PAŃSTWA DLA GÓRNICTWA WĘGLA KAMIENNEGO W ŚWIETLE PRZEPISÓW UNIJNYCH

75%

Gawlik L., Pepłowska M.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2017

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issue 2(15)

20-34 (15)

EN

The authors have analyzed the documents containing legal regulations directly related to the coal mining sector. They referred to a number of both national laws and laws set by the authorities of the European Union (EU). The authors pay attention to the special role of coal in resource policy of Poland. They show the conditions under which state aid was granted to the coal mining industry based on the specific directives, laws and regulations in the previous years. Moreover assumptions of national aid programs are described, and the possible restructuring actions that might be accomplished with the help of this financial assistance are demonstrated. Also the authors hold a discussion on the legitimacy of the use of publicly-legislated aid in the coal mining industry.

14

Dominujące tematy w kampaniach wyborczych w Izraelu w latach 2009, 2013, 2015 a relacje izraelsko-unijne

75%

Zawada P.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2017

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issue 4

219-233

EN

Between 2009 and 2015, three early parliamentary elections have been held in Israel, which have led Likud party with Binjamin Netanyahu as the leader to the power. The role of this article is to analyse the election campaigns in these years, paying particular attention to the context of relations with the European Union. The work aims to answer the research question, what were the main issues raised by public opinion during the elections in 2009, 2013 and in 2015, and whether European subjects were important for Israeli politicians and their voters. The work used a behavioural method combined with the descriptive and analytical method, which was conducted primarily through the use of press releases and the Internet’s most important Israeli newspapers.

15

BARIERY INTEGRACJI MOŁDAWII Z UNIĄ EUROPEJSKĄ – WYMIAR ENERGETYCZNY

75%

Rutkowski W.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2018

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issue 3(16)

144-155 (12)

EN

The article presents an analysis of energy barriers to integration between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union. Moldova is one of the most important objectives of external activity of the European Union in Eastern Europe. Nowadays, the energy market problems have a strong influence on the process of political and economic integration between Moldova and the EU. The biggest challenge for Moldova in the energy sector is to break the reliance on the supply of Russian fossil fuels, and to implement EU energy legislation, especially the rules of the third energy package. The article also emphasizes the impact of the conflict in Transnistria on EU-Moldova energy relations.

16

INTEGRATION OF FINANCIAL MARKETS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION AFTER 2018

75%

Szypulewska-Porczyńska A.

Roczniki Administracji i Prawa

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2017

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vol. 17/2

173-188

EN

The purpose of this study is to identify the main determinants that may influence the impact of Brexit on the process of integrating financial markets in the EU. In particular, it elaborates on the problem of providing financial services under alternative modes of access to the EU internal market. Two key determinants were discussed that may influence the impact of Brexit on the EU financial markets in an opposite direction, i.e. the linkages between the British financial market and the EU internal market as well as a deeper financial integration in the EMU.

PL

Celem analizy jest identyfikacja głównych czynników, od których zależeć będzie wpływ Brexitu na integrację rynków finansowych w UE. W szczególności poruszono problem świadczenia usług w ramach alternatywnych warunków dostępu do rynku wewnętrznego UE. Dwie główne determinanty oddziałujące na wpływ Brexitu w przeciwstawnym kierunku zostały omówione, tj. powiązania pomiędzy brytyjskim rynkiem finansowym a rynkiem wewnętrznym UE oraz zacieśniająca się integracja w ramach UGW.

17

Projektowanie i platformizacja w działaniach Unii Europejskiej w obszarze innowacji

75%

Grabowska M.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2017

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issue 2

69-94

EN

In the paper the recent trends in the fi eld of innovation in the EU are presented. The role of innovation in the European Union has been growing as one of the crucial factor of the development of the EU economy and society although it has never had a strong legal bases in the EU thirties. Its development has been stimulated mainly by the EU strategies, plans and initiatives but fi nally it became the legitimate part of the Research and Innovation policy of the EU. In the paper the main EU offi cial documents and the newest (2016) indicators of innovation relating to the EU regions has been analyzed and discussed. “The Innovation Union” and other suggestions of the Commission brought new solutions relating to innovation emphasizing the role of design management, digital design and open innovation. The organizational and esthetic design should be the central unit of a company while open innovation should be based on digital platforms applying the newest ICT technologies and social participation. Such paradigm of innovation is stimulating the development of modern industry (i.e. Industry 4.0) what should be taken under the consideration in Poland.

18

EFEKTYWNOŚĆ POLITYKI WOBEC ROMÓW W POLSCE JAKO POLITYKI PUBLICZNEJ

75%

Szewczyk M.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2016

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issue 4(14)

36-51 (16)

EN

The aim of the analysis is to assess the effectiveness of Polish policy towards the Roma as a public policy. The research method used is a systemic analysis, supplemented by legal and comparative analysis of the sources. The conclusion from the study is that the ethnic public policy against the Roma can be effective. However, this requires the adoption of specific assumptions. The efficacy of public ethnic policy is not associated with the efficiency. It cannot be well judged from the point of view of cost-effectiveness and the measurability of the effects in relation to investment. In addition, the evaluation needs to take into account the category of equity and recognition of European democratic and humanistic values. Such an approach is not common in European society, and discrimination against minorities is becoming more common and intense in Poland and throughout Europe. This is a key issue that may reduce the possibility of implementing public ethnic policy.

19

The European Union Strategic Partnership Agreement with Brazil – Ten Years of Action in Place and Future Perspectives

75%

Wisniewski B., Dahab S.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2017

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issue 4

55-71

EN

The aim of this article is to discuss the historical relations of the European Union (EU) and Brazil and to draw possible scenarios of the future cooperation between both partners. Since the very beginning of the formation of the European Communities (EC), Brazil has been perceived as an important trade partner for the EC. During recent decades, the importance of Brazil as an economic and political leader of Latin America has emerged, and the EU recognized such position through establishment of more formal ties with Brazil. The Strategic Partnership Agreement (SPA) signed in 2007 was the reflection of the increasing importance of Brazil in the international area, and aimed to commence a closer formalized cooperation between both partners. However, due to some internal and external factors, discussed throughout this article, ten years after signing of the SPA, its outcome is much more often criticised, than praised. The article analyses the reasons for inefficiency of this SPA, and demonstrates some possible scenarios of further economic and political relations between the EU and Brazil. The role of Mercosur, and its long lasting talks with the EU with regard to the inter-regional agreement, has been also reflected in the discussion, and indicated as a signifi cant consideration in the future relations between Brazil and the EU.

20

Peacekeeping in the Mediterranean as an Ongoing Challenge for International Organizations: the EU Case

75%

Marcinkowska P.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2017

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issue 1

79-97

EN

The Southern Mediterranean has always been a problematic region for the international community. After many years of instability in the Middle East and an ongoing impasse in relations between Israel and Palestinians, there came the question of the “Arab Spring” which emerged in 2011. The paper examines peacekeeping (operations) in the Middle East and North Africa. The main goal is to analyze the complexity of the threats and challenges emerging from the Mediterranean region, as well as the institutional framework for peacekeeping operations, with a focus on EU involvement in the Mediterranean. The article attempts to answer the question of whether a regional organization such as the EU has effective instruments to improve security in its southern neighbourhood.

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An Analysis of the Criticism of the Area of Freedom Security and Justice of the European Union

МЕЖДУ ЛОКАЛЬНОЙ И ЕВРОПЕЙСКОЙ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТЬЮ: АНАЛИЗ ЭТНИЧЕСКИХ ГРУПП (РУССКИЕ, ПОЛЯКИ, БЕЛОРУСЫ) В ЛИТВЕ

Внесок країн Веймарського трикутника у систему європейської безпеки

Krytyka modelu rządzenia Unii Europejskiej w kontekście kryzysu procesu integracji

Brexit: przyczyny oraz potencjalne konsekwencje wyjścia Wielkiej Brytanii z Unii Europejskiej

Nowe ukierunkowanie pomocy publicznej na B+R+I w Unii Europejskiej na lata 2014–2020

Obywatelstwo europejskie a problem integracji imigrantów w Unii Europejskiej

Wyjście Wielkiej Brytanii z Unii Europejskiej a zróżnicowanie integracji w UE

Zarządzanie wielopoziomowe – analiza przypadku polityki rozszerzania Unii Europejskiej

Partnerstwo Wschodnie Unii Europejskiej w dobie wstrząsów i przemian Europy Wschodniej

Jaka UE w jakim świecie? Wpływ czynników międzynarodowych na obecny i przyszły stan Unii Europejskiej

Gra sił w kontestowanym sąsiedztwie Unii Europejskiej i Rosji

POMOC PAŃSTWA DLA GÓRNICTWA WĘGLA KAMIENNEGO W ŚWIETLE PRZEPISÓW UNIJNYCH

Dominujące tematy w kampaniach wyborczych w Izraelu w latach 2009, 2013, 2015 a relacje izraelsko-unijne

BARIERY INTEGRACJI MOŁDAWII Z UNIĄ EUROPEJSKĄ – WYMIAR ENERGETYCZNY

INTEGRATION OF FINANCIAL MARKETS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION AFTER 2018

Projektowanie i platformizacja w działaniach Unii Europejskiej w obszarze innowacji

EFEKTYWNOŚĆ POLITYKI WOBEC ROMÓW W POLSCE JAKO POLITYKI PUBLICZNEJ

The European Union Strategic Partnership Agreement with Brazil – Ten Years of Action in Place and Future Perspectives

Peacekeeping in the Mediterranean as an Ongoing Challenge for International Organizations: the EU Case