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EN
This article seeks to present the scale of inter-municipal cooperation in waste management in Poland in the light of the role of three key factors of cooperation. The first shows spatial regularities in the distribution of inter-municipal bodies involved in waste management in Poland, both in the system of voivodeships and historical-cultural regions. The second is institutional conditions confirming the scale of the Europeanisation of public policies taking place in Poland. It embraces the implementation of the EU legal framework in the Polish legal system and the cooperative behaviour of municipalities as a result of those changes. The third is a negative verification of the assumptions of the economic theory upholding the role of financial motivation in establishing cooperation (looking for savings and economies of scale to reduce unit cost); the presented results do not corroborate this type of motivation.
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EN
In later years after annexation of Crimea, ongoing conflict in Ukraine and Brexit defence is the most discussed issue among politicians and on mass media, because the main question is how to secure European Union (EU) from potential external aggression of Russia? Concerning defence of Europe, we need to take in to the consideration not only North Atlantic Treaty organization (NATO), but also EU Common Security and Defence policy (CSDP). NATO has a major impact on its member states – mostly European countries, but at same time a significant role in European security and defence should be given to CSDP. In Latvia’s case defence policy is based on NATO and most of the case studies about Latvian defence are related to NATO role, but at same time, because of changing threats for EU, it is necessary to pay more attention to CSDP role and impact on Latvia’s defence. Therefore, this paper will describe Europeanisation from theoretical perspective by focusing on top-down Europeanisation, it will provide a historical background of EU CSDP and analysis top-down Europeanisation impact on the Latvian defence policy. This paper is based on Europeanisation theoretical framework, analysis of Latvian national security and defence strategic documents, Latvian legal acts concerning defence, data about Latvian participation in EU missions and Battle groups etc
EN
After four years of implementation the EU funds for candidate countries, the Instrument for Pre- Accession Assistance (IPA), has shown a mixed performance, resulting in a statistically limited level of use of IPA funds in most target countries, though with some variance. This article intends to test the hypothesis linking such a differentiation with the presence or absence of the official status of candidate country. The analysis of the funds allocation levels, the funds absorption levels and the progress in administrative reforms nevertheless shows that candidacy status is neither a sufficient nor a necessary condition for a good IPA performance. Rather, the data show that the IPA funds were able to catalyse a good progress only in those target countries characterised by an average adaptation pressure, but not to spur laggards and frontrunners, recalling the hypothesis put forward by Radaelli in his analysis of the outcomes of Europeanisation.
EN
This article examines the current state of Ukraine’s policy towards emigration. The authors seek to transcend the state-oriented approach, highlighting the role that diaspora and non-governmental organisations played in accelerating the process of policy formulation in this area. Explanations are provided for the Ukrainian state’s failure to actively implement a consistent policy on emigration. A historical overview of the legal and institutional developments shows that the issue did not have much priority during the first two decades of the country’s independence. It emerges that external pressure from the EU and non-state actors was needed to elaborate a set of guarantees for Ukrainian emigrants. Since 2011 a series of legislative initiatives have been launched, whose effectiveness is in doubt as long as the country does not overcome the larger challenges of territorial integrity and financial stability. The authors argue that for the Ukrainian policy towards emigration to be effective, opportunities need to be created for the permanent consultation and involvement of diaspora and non-governmental organisations.
Horyzonty Polityki
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2015
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vol. 6
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issue 17
49-64
EN
This paper is compiled with the objective of critically analysing whether the European Union can be classified as an integrated economy, focusing on the level of economic convergence. Against this backdrop, the current level of economic integration is assessed taking into account empirical research performed by other scholars and economic indicators shown by member states over the years 2004-2014. Results indicate that the European Union is a heterogeneous block of economic clusters with varying degrees of economic health, trends and capabilities. The heterogeneities hinder implementation of policy, which in turn prevents further integration. A “three-fold” solution for achieving a higher level of economic integration is discussed, which incorporates (i) differential treatment of member states depending on prevailing economic conditions, (ii) the establishment of a European Economic Government, and (iii) the introduction of parallel currency regimes in Eurozone countries with ailing economic health.  
EN
After gaining independence, countries such as Slovenia put a lot of effort into adapting their legislations to new market conditions. While concentrating on legislation, they often dismissed several other factors which influence policy and decision making. Among them, a particularly important role is played by the Europeanisation of planning, and the turn towards a higher flexibility of processes and land uses as opposed to the predetermination via zoning. While shedding light on these issues, this paper reflects on the incremental evolution of the Slovenian spatial planning system from the approval of the first Spatial Planning Act in 2003 towards a territorial governance approach characterised by a mix of regulatory processes and plans.
EN
From the recognition of its candidacy status at the European Council Helsinki Summit in December 1999 to the start of accession talks in October 2005, Turkey has gone through a remarkable process of “Europeanisation” of its public policies to fulfil the candidate criteria. In this period, broad- casting has been one of the first areas that was subject to the European Union (EU) impact. By assert- ing its influence through the enforcement of democratic conditionality, specifically the Copenhagen criterion on “respect for and protection of minorities,” the EU required Turkey to lift all the restric- tions on the enjoyment of cultural rights in Turkey and allow broadcasts in languages other than Turkish, particularly in Kurdish. This article first develops a critique of EU democratic conditionality and then investigates the policy process behind this change in the language policy for broadcasting in Turkey. Turkey’s response to democratic conditionality was directly influenced by prevailing ideas about “the credibility of the EU” as well as calculations of the “costs of compliance.”
EN
There are taking place fundamental changes in the architecture of financial market supervision (ESFS, EUB, CMU) in the European Union. These changes are associated with respect for prudential rules. Such situation in fact is a return to the era of once criticized interventionism and the maximum state regulation. The most frequently cited nowadays objectives of the rules related to the single EU financial market (e.g. financial stability, consumer protection and the prevention of market abuse) come down to establish uniform rules of conduct for all with consideration of general welfare (according to principle: the single market = unified supervision = uniform regulations). However the only problem is that the strong integration of the legal systems of EU member states may restrict competition (their economies), inhibit innovation and increase systemic risk that constitutes a denial implemented since 2000 the idea of European financial market integration. The process of Europeanisation of regulation and supervision of the EU financial market is inevitable, nevertheless it requires a constant search for equilibrium point between efficiency and wider security and not from the point of view of euro zone, but a common European system.
EN
The problem of the influence of the Europeanisation process on party systems became a “hit” at international conferences in European studies and political sciences just after the “big‑bang” EU enlargement in 2004. Although in the last ten years this research has often encompassed the party systems of many Central and Eastern European countries, it still seldom includes the post‑Yugoslav states. On the other hand, although some scholars had assumed that the EU’s impact on party politics (including both political and organisational changes) in the new member states would be greater than in the old EU countries (EU‑15), in general their assumptions have not been confirmed. Of course we can find exceptions, though, and in the author’s opinion one of these is the Serbian party system. In the first part of the paper the author deals with conceptualisation of the Europeanisation of political parties, examining theoretical problems above all connected with the question of how we should measure the significance of the influence of Europeanisation on domestic party politics. The second part of the article is devoted to the problem of Europeanisation of Serbian and Croatian parties as well as the party systems in both investigated countries. To examine this question, four of the five elements (leaving aside government‑party relations) of Ladrech’s approach to the Europeanisation of national parties will be used.
EN
The article concerns primarily the effects of the membership of the European Union on national (Polish) law and, to a limited extent, on the political system of a state. The conclusions presented in the article are of universal value. Although the article deals with Polish affairs, the principles, tendencies and consequences identified are typical of the relationship state – the EU, both before and after accession, regardless of the state concerned. It should be, however, noted that the path to membership and the membership itself are different in each case. The practice of the Polish membership of the European Union, its systemic dimension and the changes in the national legal system (Europeanisation) do not differ significantly than in the case of other Member States. Europeanisation of Polish law, politics, economy, culture and society has been in progress since the 1990s. One can differentiate between two stages of Europeanisation: before and after Poland’s EU accession, each characterised by different conditions. Over time, this process, on the whole, has been undergoing numerous changes but it has never weakened in importance. Poland faces issues such as poor legitimation of integration processes, supremacy of the government over the parliament, passivity of parliamentary committees in controlling the government and EU institutions in the decision making process, as well as dilution of responsibility for decisions taken within the EU. The process of Europeanisation relies mostly on direct application of the standards of EU law in the national legal system, implementation of directives into national law and harmonisation or standardisation of national legal solutions so that they comply with the EU framework. It is also reception of a common, European (Union) axiology.
EN
The current article presents an overview of the European Union's conflict settlement mechanisms in Armenia, Georgia and Moldova and discusses their impact on these countries' Europeanisation in the framework of the Eastern Partnership. A comparative analysis suggests that the EU's conflict resolution capacity is largely dependent on the significance attached to conflict by the partner countries and the applicability of the EU's soft power mechanisms.
EN
This paper seeks to investigate the directive on trans-border patients’ mobility – its scope, implementation, performance and perception as well as its potential to act as a founding stone of truly competitive market of healthcare services on a pan-European scale. Its impact goes far beyond delivering a legal framework for European Union citizens receiving medical services outside of their country of origin, it may be one of the major driving forces behind the process of harmonization of healthcare system across Europe.
PL
Celem niniejszego tekstu jest analiza dyrektywy o transgranicznej mobilności pacjentów – jej zakresu, implementacji, funkcjonowaniu i percepcji, jak również jej potencjału w zakresie budowy paneuropejskiego rynku usług medycznych. Jej wpływ może sięgać daleko poza uregulowania prawne wspomagające pacjentów udających się za granicę w celu korzystania z usług medycznych. Potencjalnie może ona stanowić jeden z fundamentów przyszłej harmonizacji systemów opieki zdrowotnej w skali europejskiej.
EN
Recent developments in Hungarian constitutional and judicial politics have given impetus to question not only the outcomes of democratisation and Europeanisation, but also the efficacy of the European Union’s compliance mechanisms. In 2010, Hungary, one of the forerunners in building democracy made the headlines with Fidesz’s attempts at adopting a new Constitution and implementing cardinal laws along with controversial institutional, cultural, religious, moral and socio-economic policies. This article attempts to depict the transformative power of the European Union within a sensitive policy area which touches upon States’ pouvoris régaliens: the independence of the judiciary.
PL
In the discussion on the future of the EU, the topic of differentiated integration has become a strategic issue, with different variants beginning to appear as modus operandi of the European Union, which has become a subject of controversy among Member States. Significantly, the debate on differentiated integration began to be accompanied by reflections on disintegration. This article attempts to define disintegration on the assumption that it should be defined through the prism of integration, and that such a defining process can not be limited to concluding a one-way contrast between disintegration versus integration and vice versa. This is due to the assumption that the European Union is a dichotomous construct in which integration and disintegration mutually exclude and complement each other. This dichotomy is most evident in the definition of integration and disintegration through the prism of Europeanisation top-down and bottom-up processes that generate, reveal, visualize, stimulate integration mechanisms what allows to diagnose their determinants. dyskusji o przyszłości UE strategicznym wątkiem stała się kwestia integracji zróżnicowanej, której różne warianty zaczęły jawić się jako modus operandi Unii Europejskiej, co stało się przedmiotem kontrowersji między państwami członkowskimi. Co istotne, debacie poświęconej integracji zróżnicowanej zaczęły towarzyszyć rozważania na temat dezintegracji. W niniejszym artykule podjęta została próba zdefiniowania dezintegracji przy założeniu, że powinna być ona definiowana poprzez integrację, a także iż tak zaprojektowany proces definiowania nie może ograniczać się do wnioskowania o jednotorowej przeciwstawności dezintegracji względem integracji i vice versa. Wynika to z przekonania, że Unia Europejska jest konstrukcją dychotomiczną, w której integracja i dezintegracja wzajemnie się wykluczają i uzupełniają. Dychotomia ta najpełniej przejawia się w definiowaniu integracji oraz dezintegracji przez pryzmat procesów europeizacji w wymiarze top-down i bottom-up, które generują, ujawniają, uwidaczniają, stymulują mechanizmy integracyjne co pozwala zdiagnozować ich determinanty.
EN
This paper emphasises that Europeanisation of law contributes greatly to the phenomenon of decodification. The impact of European legislation on the position of the civil code as the main source of private law is clearly visible in the case of directly effective regulations. Also, implementation of directives can (and often does) lead to the creation of legislation regulating civil law matters, yet separate from the civil code. The Polish experience with implementation of directives concerning consumers protection makes for a good example. Regulation of timeshare contracts completely outside the civil code is – according to the Polish doctrine – a result of difficulties with integrating this particular provision into the codification of private law. If such difficulties are inevitable, so is also progressing decodification of civil law due to its advancing harmonization on the European level.
EN
In this study, the author attempts to raise the issue of Europeanisation of national procedural law as exemplified by the right to file a complaint by environmental organizations in administrative court proceedings under Polish and German law. The process of Europeanisation takes place in all areas of national law, also in the absence of a clear competence for the European Union to establish a specific type of legislation. The right to file a complaint by environmental organisations is objective in nature. The implementation of EU regulations in German law resulted from the necessity to introduce a completely different model of the right to file a complaint than the right that has already been in force, i.e. the subjective right. The Polish legislator also had to reshape the form of the right to file a complaint by environmental organisations, which, in essence, differs significantly from the form of the right of social organisation, despite classification of environmental organisations into a group of social organisations.
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EN
This article examines Taylor’s approach to the conception of civil society and attempts to interpret the relation of this approach to contemporary debates on the forming of European civil society. By way of introduction, Taylor’s interpretation of the medieval socio-political assumptions for the creation of the extra-political public sphere is presented. Next, there is a discussion of Taylor’s interpretational conception of the two most significant traditions of civil society which take their rise from a confrontation with European enlightenment absolutism - the traditions of Locke and Montesquieu. The author attempts to make sense of the way in which Taylor’s approach resonates with the concept of civil society in discussions about the presuppositions and forms of the creation of the European public sphere and trans-national (European) identities as two key forms of European civil society. In conclusion, the concept of the active border is presented as a key matrix of the conceptual constellation of the public sphere, identity and Europeanisation.
EN
The twenty five years of sovereignty after the fall of the communist system has been Poland’s success both in terms of internal, economic and political transformation as well as foreign policy and its role in international politics. These achievements, however, have not changed the fact that there is still much more to do. No nation, at no moment of existence is free from new challenges. The internal challenges that Poland must face today include ascertaining the functionality of the political system, further Europeanisation of Poland and implementation of European living standards, or taking necessary measures to prevent a demographic collapse. Among the externalchallenges, the joining of the Eurozone which is currently becoming the nucleus of European integration is of foremost priority. Poland will also have to play an active role in the shaping of the future identity of the European Union as an institution, and actively promote the European character of Eastern Europe as part of its history and consequence of its geopolitical location.
PL
Ćwierćwiecze polskiej suwerenności – od upadku komunizmu – było sukcesem Polski zarówno w sferze przemian wewnętrznych, gospodarczych i politycznych, jak i sferze jej polityki zagranicznej i osiągniętej pozycji międzynarodowej. Osiągnięcia nie eliminują wyzwań. Żaden naród w żadnym momencie swego istnienia nie jest od nich wolny. Wśród wyzwań wewnętrznych, przed którymi stoi Polska, autor wymienia zapewnienie funkcjonalności systemu politycznego, europeizację Polski w sensie europejskich standardów życia społecznego oraz powstrzymanie zapaści demograficznej. Do europejskich wyzwań Polski autor zalicza przede wszystkim włączenie się do strefy euro, która staje się twardym rdzeniem integracji europejskiej. Ponadto ważna będzie jej aktywność na rzecz takiego kształtu instytucjonalnego i tożsamości UE, która zapewni jej witalność i zdolność do wpływania na jej otoczenie. Wreszcie, Polska musi zabiegać o europejski charakter Europy Wschodniej, która jest częścią jej historii i geopolitycznego sąsiedztwa.  
EN
Agencies are an organisational form with regulatory, expert or executive tasks that may ensure better usage of expertise compared to traditional administrative organisations. However, there are certain unintentional effects of the agency model, which are more obvious in transitional countries. Coordination and policy coherence gaps may raise the question of political accountability, provoke robust political interventions, and undermine the level of autonomy and expertise, especially where a firm legal framework does not limit the influence of politics. Another problem is the effective legal control over agencies. Traditional, bureaucratic legal procedures of internal control and courts’ supervision in certain transition countries, like those researched in the paper (Slovenia, Croatia and Montenegro), are not fully suitable and effective for agencies, opening significant room for politicisation hidden behind expertise. The recent proliferation of agencies in those countries causes many new problems of public administration and enhances old ones. Interview-based research conducted in three countries in January 2012 has the purpose to establish the main problems and issues in the functioning of agencies, especially with regard to the legal aspect of agency and politics / policy relations. Basic findings confirm the hypothesis that the agency model in those countries has not been stabilised yet. Professionalism, autonomy and expertise of the agencies are in a precarious position. The legal framework for agencies should be fine-tuned and strengthened, to ensure proper steering within the agency model.
PL
Od początku istnienia republiki, armia odgrywała kluczową rolę w kształtowaniu państwa tureckiego. Z punktu widzenia relacji pomiędzy rządzącą Partią Sprawiedliwości i Rozwoju (AKP) i Tureckimi Siłami Zbrojnymi (TSK), proces europeizacji i reform konstytucyjnych, będących rezultatem starania się Turcji o członkostwo w UE, okazał się kluczowym w demokratyzacji państwa, bowiem obie strony, ze względu na przyspieszenie procesów integracyjnych, były zmuszone do nawiązania dialogu. Niestety, po roku 2006, kiedy doszło do pogorszenia relacji pomiędzy UE a Turcją, widoczna stała się radykalizacja poglądów po obu stronach. Głównym celem niniejszej pracy jest ukazanie dynamiki procesów zachodzących w Turcji w ciągu ostatnich lat, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem relacji cywilno-wojskowych oraz reform konstytucyjnych będących rezultatem harmonizacji prawa tureckiego z prawem UE.
EN
The Turkish Armed Forces played a key role in politics since the establishment of the republic in 1923. Despite the thorny relations between the civilian and military elites, the process of European integration played an extremely important role in bringing the country on a path of democratic reforms. Both opposing sides, namely the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Turkish Military (TSK), in the context of the ongoing process of European integration and a relatively high societal support for Turkey’s EU accession, seemed to accept more conciliatory approaches to each other (2001–2006). Unfortunately, starting from 2006, along with the rise of euro-scepticism among Turks and the loosening of ties with the EU, the AKP and TSK adopted more antagonistic stances towards each other. The European Union and its institutions, which also influence constitutional changes in Turkey, therefore create an extremely important international context for democratisation.
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